The bill
Protecting Independent Contractors from Discrimination Act of 2026
HR. 10035, 119th Congress — read as touching Private Equity & Hedge Funds.
Sponsored by
Del. Norton, Eleanor Holmes [D-DC-At Large]
ID: N000147
Follow the money
The bill
HR. 10035, 119th Congress — read as touching Private Equity & Hedge Funds.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
20 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "Department of Labor and Related Agencies" section, p. 618-620 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Sponsor introductory remarks on measure. (CR E775)
August 5, 2026
📍 Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
**HR 10035: Protecting Independent Contractors from Discrimination Act of 2026** *Or: How to Solve the Gig Economy by Pretending It Doesn’t Exist*
**New Regulations Created/Modified:** This bill doesn’t so much create new regulations as it does perform a legislative lobotomy on the distinction between “employee” and “independent contractor.” By amending six major federal statutes—Title VII, ADEA, FLSA, ADA, Rehabilitation Act, and GINA—it redefines *anyone* doing work under an independent contract as an *employee* for the purposes of anti-discrimination and wage/hour protections. No more “but they signed a 1099!” as a shield against liability. The bill essentially says: if you’re telling someone *what* to do, *when* to do it, and *how* to do it—congrats, you’re their boss now, whether you like it or not. The FLSA amendment is particularly vicious, dragging minimum wage and overtime into the fray. It’s not protection—it’s an ambush.
**Affected Industries and Sectors:** Every sector that’s built its business model on exploiting the myth of independence: ride-sharing (Uber, Lyft), food delivery (DoorDash, Grubhub), freelance platforms (Upwork, Fiverr), construction, janitorial services, IT consulting, and even some healthcare staffing. Basically, any industry that saves money by pretending its workers aren’t really workers. The bill doesn’t care if you’re a neurosurgeon contracting out your spine skills or a guy delivering burritos on a bike—if you’re under someone else’s thumb, you’re an employee now. Enjoy your back pay and your newfound right to sue for discrimination.
**Compliance Requirements and Timelines:** Employers must immediately reclassify all independent contractors as employees for compliance purposes under the amended acts. This means: - Payroll tax withholding (Social Security, Medicare, unemployment) - Minimum wage and overtime compliance (FLSA) - Anti-discrimination policy application (Title VII, ADA, ADEA, etc.) - Reasonable accommodations (ADA/Rehab Act) - Genetic information privacy (GINA) - Recordkeeping and reporting obligations There’s no grace period mentioned—this hits like a defibrillator to the chest the day it’s enacted. Companies will have weeks, not months, to audit contracts, reconfigure payroll systems, and brace for lawsuits from every misclassified worker who suddenly realizes they’ve been owed three years of overtime.
**Enforcement Mechanisms and Penalties:** Enforcement falls to the usual suspects: EEOC (for discrimination claims), DOL (for wage/hour violations), and DOJ (for pattern-or-practice suits). Penalties include back pay, liquidated damages, compensatory and punitive damages (where applicable), attorneys’ fees, and civil fines. Misclassification isn’t just a paperwork error anymore—it’s a civil rights violation with teeth. Expect a surge in private attorney general actions, class actions, and opportunistic plaintiffs’ lawyers salivating over statutory damages. The DOL and EEOC will be inundated—good luck getting a response before 2028.
**Economic and Operational Impacts:** Short-term: Chaos. Businesses reliant on flexible labor will face sudden cost increases of 20-30% (taxes, benefits, overtime). Many will either pass costs to consumers, reduce hiring, or go underground (increasing true misclassification). Some will shut down or pivot to true B2B models—good luck proving your Uber driver is an independent *business*. Long-term: A more honest labor market—if we survive the transition. Workers gain real protections; employers lose a loophole they’ve abused for decades. But let’s not pretend this is about altruism. This bill exists because voters finally noticed that “independent contractor” is just corporate-speak for “we don’t want to pay you fairly or treat you like a human.” It’s not protecting contractors—it’s exposing the scam. And frankly, it’s about time. Now watch as the
Del. Norton, Eleanor Holmes [D-DC-At Large]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
No PAC contributions found
No organization contributions found
No committee contributions found
Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Showing 26 nodes and 29 connections
Total contributions: $29
Showing top 18 donors by contribution amount
Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 3 harmed.
Section 2 amendments to various employment acts, such as the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938, may increase costs and regulatory burdens for private equity and hedge funds that rely on independent contractors, potentially affecting their business models and investment strategies.
Section 2(c) amendment to the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 may impact big tech platforms that heavily rely on independent contractors, potentially leading to increased labor costs and changes in their workforce management practices.
Section 2(f) amendment to the Genetic Information Nondiscrimination Act of 2008 may have implications for crypto and fintech companies that employ independent contractors, potentially leading to increased regulatory compliance costs and changes in their hiring practices.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
AI Analysis:
"The bill extends anti-discrimination protections to independent contractors, which includes sex discrimination protections under Title VII, but does not focus enforcement on the biological binary meaning of 'sex' as specified in Project 2025. Instead, it broadly expands coverage without aligning with the policy's directive to refocus enforcement on a narrow, biologically defined understanding of sex."
— 585 — Department of Labor and Related Agencies l Direct agencies to refocus enforcement of sex discrimination laws. The President should direct agencies to focus their enforcement of sex discrimination laws on the biological binary meaning of “sex.” PRO-LIFE MEASURES l Promote pro-life workplace accommodations for mothers. Federal law should protect life and promote pro-family policies. Current law, the Pregnancy Discrimination Act,3 provides nondiscrimination protections in the workplace for pregnancy, childbirth, or related medical conditions. The Pregnant Workers Fairness Act (PWFA)4 requires employers to make reasonable accommodations for women “to the known limitations related to the pregnancy, childbirth, or related medical conditions,” unless “the accommodation would impose an undue hardship on the operation of the [employer’s] business.” The Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) also provides nondiscrimination and accommodation protections in the workplace for certain pregnancy-related disability.5 None of these laws requires an employer provide health insurance benefits for elective abortion. l Pass a law requiring equal (or greater) benefits for pro-life support for mothers and clarifying abortion exclusions. Congress should pass a law requiring that to the extent an employer provides employee benefits for abortion, it must provide equal or greater benefits for pregnancy, childbirth, maternity, and adoption. That law should also clarify that no employer is required to provide any accommodations or benefits for abortion. l Keep anti-life “benefits” out of benefit plans. Some benefits attorneys and pro-choice advocates have argued since the Supreme Court’s Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization decision6 that the longstanding doctrine of Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 (ERISA)7 preemption should block individual states’ efforts to prohibit employers from helping employees procure abortions via offering various kinds of coverage under employee-sponsored benefit plans. ERISA should not be allowed to trump states’ ability to protect innocent human life in the womb. Congress and DOL should clarify that ERISA does not preempt states’ power to restrict abortion, surrogacy, or other anti-life “benefits.” RELIGION l Provide robust protections for religious employers. America’s religious diversity means that workplaces include people of many faiths and that many employers are faith-based. Nevertheless, the Biden Administration has been hostile to people of faith, especially those with traditional beliefs — 586 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise about marriage, gender, and sexuality. The new Administration should enact policies with robust respect for religious exercise in the workplace, including under the First Amendment, the Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993 (RFRA),8 Title VII, and federal conscience protection laws. l Issue an executive order protecting religious employers and employees. The President should make clear via executive order that religious employers are free to run their businesses according to their religious beliefs, general nondiscrimination laws notwithstanding, and support participation of religious employees and employers as federal contractors and in federal activities and programs. l Clarify Title VII’s religious organization exemptions. Congress should clarify Title VII’s religious organization exemptions to make it more explicit that those employers may make employment decisions based on religion regardless of nondiscrimination laws. l Provide Robust Accommodations for Religious Employees. Title VII requires reasonable accommodations for an employee’s sincerely held religious beliefs, observances, or practices unless it poses an undue hardship on the employer’s business. These accommodation protections also apply to issues related to marriage, gender, and sexuality. Unless the Supreme Court overrules its bad precedent, Congress should clarify that undue hardship means “significant difficulty or expenses,” not “more than a de minimis cost” as the Court has previously held. General EEOC Reforms. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commis- sion (EEOC) does not have rulemaking authority under Title VII and other laws it enforces, yet it issues “guidance,” “technical assistance,” and other documents, including some that push new policy positions. EEOC should disclaim its regulatory pretensions and abide by the guidance reforms dis- cussed below. l EEOC should disclaim its regulatory pretensions. l Affirm decision-making via majority vote of Commissioners. EEOC should affirm as policy the Title VII requirement that it exercise substantive power via majority vote of Commissioners, not by unilateral Chair action or by delegation to staff.
AI Analysis:
"The bill expands anti-discrimination protections to independent contractors, while Project 2025 seeks to dismantle key enforcement mechanisms like EEO-1 data collection and disparate impact liability under Title VII. Though both address employment discrimination frameworks, their objectives are fundamentally opposed—one strengthens protections, the other weakens them—resulting in only weak thematic alignment."
— 583 — Department of Labor and Related Agencies including human-resources classifications and DEI trainings that promote critical race theory. l Eliminate EEO-1 data collection. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission collects EEO-1 data on employment statistics based on race/ ethnicity, which data can then be used to support a charge of discrimination under a disparate impact theory. This could lead to racial quotas to remedy alleged race discrimination. (The Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs (OFCCP) also has a right to the data EEOC collects.) Crudely categorizing employees by race or ethnicity fails to recognize the diversity of the American workforce and forces individuals into categories that do not fully reflect their racial and ethnic heritage. l Amend Title VII. The next Administration should work with Congress to amend Title VII to prohibit the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission from collecting EEO-1 data and any other racial classifications in employment for both private and public workplaces. l Eliminate disparate impact liability. With interracial marriages in America increasing, many Americans do not fit neatly into crude racial categories.1 Under disparate impact theory, moreover, discriminatory motive or intent is irrelevant; the outcome is what matters. But all workplaces have disparities. Congress should: l Eliminate disparate impact as a valid theory of discrimination for race and other bases under Title VII and other laws. Disparities do not (and should not legally) imply discrimination per se. The President should: l Sign an executive order explicitly forbidding OFCCP from using disparate impact in its analysis. l Eliminate OFCCP. The Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs (OFCCP) exists to enforce Executive Order (EO) 11246.2 That order was originally signed in 1965 to require federal contractors (and subcontractors) to commit to nondiscrimination. It gave enforcement authority to the Department of Labor, up to and including debarment from federal contracting. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission has since — 584 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise grown, often making OFCCP’s authority redundant and imposing a second regulatory agency under whose rules businesses must operate. In addition, under EO 11246, the President and DOL can force a huge swath of American employers to comply with rules and regulations based on novel anti- discrimination theories (such as sexual orientation and gender identity theories) that Congress had never imposed by statute. l Rescind EO 11246. The President should eliminate OFCCP by simply rescinding EO 11246. Federal contractors would still be bound by statutory nondiscrimination law but would no longer work under overlapping regimes. (Contractors’ residual obligations under Section 503 of the Rehabilitation Act and Vietnam Era Veterans’ Readjustment Assistance Act (VEVRAA) could be enforced by EEOC or DOL.) Contractors also would be less subject to the changing political whims of a President that might impose significant new costs or burdens on the contractors. Sex Discrimination. The Biden Administration, LGBT advocates, and some federal courts have attempted to expand the scope and definition of sex discrimi- nation, based in part on the Supreme Court’s decision in Bostock v. Clayton County. Bostock held that “an employer who fires someone simply for being homosexual or transgender” violates Title VII’s prohibition against sex discrimination. The Court explicitly limited its holding to the hiring/firing context in Title VII and did not purport to address other Title VII issues, such as bathrooms, locker rooms, and dress codes, or other laws prohibiting sex discrimination. Notably, the Court focused on the status of the employees and used the term “transgender status” rather than the broader and amorphous term “gender identity.” l Restrict the application of Bostock. The new Administration should restrict Bostock’s application of sex discrimination protections to sexual orientation and transgender status in the context of hiring and firing. l Withdraw unlawful “notices” and “guidances.” The President should direct agencies to withdraw unlawful “notices” and “guidances” purporting to apply Bostock’s reasoning broadly outside hiring and firing. l Rescind regulations prohibiting discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, gender identity, transgender status, and sex characteristics. The President should direct agencies to rescind regulations interpreting sex discrimination provisions as prohibiting discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, gender identity, transgender status, sex characteristics, etc.
AI Analysis:
"The bill extends anti-discrimination protections to independent contractors, which includes sex discrimination protections under Title VII, but does not focus enforcement on the biological binary meaning of 'sex' as specified in Project 2025. While both address workplace discrimination, the bill's scope is broader and neutral regarding the definition of sex, resulting in only weak thematic alignment."
— 585 — Department of Labor and Related Agencies l Direct agencies to refocus enforcement of sex discrimination laws. The President should direct agencies to focus their enforcement of sex discrimination laws on the biological binary meaning of “sex.” PRO-LIFE MEASURES l Promote pro-life workplace accommodations for mothers. Federal law should protect life and promote pro-family policies. Current law, the Pregnancy Discrimination Act,3 provides nondiscrimination protections in the workplace for pregnancy, childbirth, or related medical conditions. The Pregnant Workers Fairness Act (PWFA)4 requires employers to make reasonable accommodations for women “to the known limitations related to the pregnancy, childbirth, or related medical conditions,” unless “the accommodation would impose an undue hardship on the operation of the [employer’s] business.” The Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) also provides nondiscrimination and accommodation protections in the workplace for certain pregnancy-related disability.5 None of these laws requires an employer provide health insurance benefits for elective abortion. l Pass a law requiring equal (or greater) benefits for pro-life support for mothers and clarifying abortion exclusions. Congress should pass a law requiring that to the extent an employer provides employee benefits for abortion, it must provide equal or greater benefits for pregnancy, childbirth, maternity, and adoption. That law should also clarify that no employer is required to provide any accommodations or benefits for abortion. l Keep anti-life “benefits” out of benefit plans. Some benefits attorneys and pro-choice advocates have argued since the Supreme Court’s Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization decision6 that the longstanding doctrine of Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 (ERISA)7 preemption should block individual states’ efforts to prohibit employers from helping employees procure abortions via offering various kinds of coverage under employee-sponsored benefit plans. ERISA should not be allowed to trump states’ ability to protect innocent human life in the womb. Congress and DOL should clarify that ERISA does not preempt states’ power to restrict abortion, surrogacy, or other anti-life “benefits.” RELIGION l Provide robust protections for religious employers. America’s religious diversity means that workplaces include people of many faiths and that many employers are faith-based. Nevertheless, the Biden Administration has been hostile to people of faith, especially those with traditional beliefs
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.
Securities and Exchange Commission Real Estate Leasing Authority Revocation Act
119/hr/189
District of Columbia Electronic Transmittal of Legislation Act
119/hr/2693
Recognizing the service of all District of Columbia veterans, condemning the denial of voting representation in Congress and full local self-government for veterans and their families who are District of Columbia residents, and calling for statehood for the District of Columbia through the enactment of the Washington, D.C. Admission Act (H.R. 51 and S. 51), particularly in light of the service of District of Columbia veterans in every American war.
119/hres/871