Let America Vote Act
Download PDFSponsored by
Rep. Fitzpatrick, Brian K. [R-PA-1]
ID: F000466
Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Referred to the Committee on House Administration, and in addition to the Committee on the Judiciary, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned.
January 3, 2025
Introduced
Committee Review
đ Current Status
Next: The bill moves to the floor for full chamber debate and voting.
Floor Action
Passed House
Senate Review
Passed Congress
Presidential Action
Became Law
đ How does a bill become a law?
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
Bill Summary
Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the esteemed members of Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?
**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The "Let America Vote Act" (HR 155) is a cleverly crafted bill that masquerades as a champion of voter rights while actually serving the interests of its sponsors and their donors. The main objective is to create the illusion of expanding voting access while maintaining the status quo.
**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill requires states to permit unaffiliated voters (those not registered with a party) to vote in primary elections for federal office, but only if they don't vote in multiple parties' primaries. It also restricts sharing information about these voters and prohibits treating them as affiliated with a party solely based on their voting history.
The bill's authors cleverly included provisions that:
* Allow states to opt-out of using federal funds for election administration purposes if they don't comply with the new requirements. * Provide "transition assistance grants" (read: bribes) to states that certify compliance, totaling 2% of the total amount of Help America Vote Act payments.
**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The usual suspects:
* Unaffiliated voters: The supposed beneficiaries of this bill, who will now have slightly more access to primary elections. * States: Forced to comply with new regulations or risk losing federal funding for election administration. * Political parties: Will still maintain control over their primaries and can continue to manipulate the system to their advantage. * Lobbyists and donors: The real winners, as they'll continue to influence policy behind the scenes.
**Potential Impact & Implications:** This bill is a masterclass in legislative misdirection. By creating the illusion of expanding voting access, its sponsors aim to:
* Maintain the status quo and protect the interests of their donors. * Create new avenues for corruption through "transition assistance grants." * Further erode trust in the electoral system by perpetuating the myth that this bill will somehow increase voter participation.
In reality, this bill is a Band-Aid on a bullet wound. It doesn't address the root causes of voter suppression or disenfranchisement. Instead, it reinforces the existing power structures and ensures that the interests of those in power remain protected.
Diagnosis: This bill suffers from a severe case of "Legislative Lip Service Disease" (LLSD), characterized by grandiose promises, empty rhetoric, and a complete lack of meaningful reform. Treatment: A healthy dose of skepticism, followed by a rigorous examination of the actual policy implications. Prognosis: The disease will likely spread, infecting future legislation with its insidious influence.
Related Topics
đ° Campaign Finance Network
Rep. Fitzpatrick, Brian K. [R-PA-1]
Congress 119 ⢠2024 Election Cycle
No PAC contributions found
No committee contributions found
Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance
This bill has 5 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.
Rep. Perez, Marie Gluesenkamp [D-WA-3]
ID: G000600
Top Contributors
10
Rep. Golden, Jared F. [D-ME-2]
ID: G000592
Top Contributors
10
Rep. Garbarino, Andrew R. [R-NY-2]
ID: G000597
Top Contributors
10
Rep. Suozzi, Thomas R. [D-NY-3]
ID: S001201
Top Contributors
10
Rep. Gonzalez, Vicente [D-TX-34]
ID: G000581
Top Contributors
10
Donor Network - Rep. Fitzpatrick, Brian K. [R-PA-1]
Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Showing 30 nodes and 37 connections
Total contributions: $174,100
Top Donors - Rep. Fitzpatrick, Brian K. [R-PA-1]
Showing top 12 donors by contribution amount
Project 2025 Policy Matches
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document. Higher similarity scores indicate stronger thematic connections.
Introduction
â 865 â Federal Election Commission l As a legislative matter and given this abuse, the President should seriously consider recommending that Congress amend FECA to remove the agencyâs independent litigating authority and rely on the Department of Justice to handle all litigation involving the FEC. There are also multiple instances of existing statutory provisions of FECA and the accompanying FEC regulations having been found unlawful or unconstitu- tional by federal court decisions, yet those statutory provisions remain in the U.S. Code and the implementing regulations remain in the Code of Federal Regula- tions.12 In such instances, those regulated by the law, from candidates to the public, have no way of knowing (without engaging in extensive legal research) whether particular statutory provisions and regulations are still applicable to their actions in the political arena. l The President should request that the commissioners on the FEC prepare such guidance. l In the event that the FEC fails to act, the President should direct the attorney general to prepare a guidance document from the Department of Justice for the public that outlines all of the FECA statutory provisions and FEC regulations that have been changed, amended, or voided by specific court decisions. Legislative Changes. While a Presidentâs ability to make any changes at an independent agency like the FEC is limited,13 the President has the ability to make legislative recommendations to Congress. One of the most obvious changes that is needed is to end the current practice of allowing commissioners to remain as serving commissioners long after their term has expired, defying the clear intent of Congress in specifying that a commissioner can only serve a single term of six years. l The President should prioritize nominations to the FEC once commissioners reach the end of their terms and should be assisted by legislative language either eliminating or limiting overstays to a reasonable period of time to permit the vetting, nomination, and confirmation of successors. l The President should vigorously oppose all efforts, as proposed, for example, in Section 6002 of the âFor the People Act of 2021,â14 to change the structure of the FEC to reduce the number of commissioners from six to five or another odd number. The current requirement of four votes to authorize an enforcement action, provide â 866 â Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise an advisory opinion, or issue regulations, ensures that there is bipartisan agreement before any action is taken and protects against the FEC being used as a political weapon. With only five commissioners, three members of the same political party could control the enforcement process of the agency, raising the potential of a powerful federal agency enforcing the law on a partisan basis against the members of the opposition political party. Efforts to impose a ânonpartisanâ or so-called âinde- pendentâ chair are impractical; the chair will inevitably be aligned with his or her appointing party, at least as a matter of perception. There are numerous other changes that should be considered in FECA and the FECâs regulations. The overly restrictive limits on the ability of party com- mittees to coordinate with their candidates, for example, violates associational rights and unjustifiably interferes with the very purpose of political parties: to elect their candidates. l Raise contribution limits and index reporting requirements to inflation. Contribution limits should generally be much higher, as they hamstring candidates and parties while serving no practical anticorruption purpose. And a wide range of reporting requirements have not been indexed to inflation, clogging the public record and the FECâs internal processes with small-dollar information of little use to the public. CONCLUSION When taking any action related to the FEC, the President should keep in mind that, as former FEC Chairman Bradley Smith says, the âgreater problem at the FEC has been overenforcement,â not underenforcement as some critics falsely allege.15 As he correctly concludes, the FECâs enforcement efforts âplace a substan- tial burden on small committees and campaigns, and are having a chilling effect on some political speechâŚsqueezing the life out of low level, volunteer politi- cal activity.â16 Commissioners have a duty to enforce FECA in a fair, nonpartisan, objective manner. But they must do so in a way that protects the First Amendment rights of the public, political parties, and candidates to fully participate in the political process. The President has the same duty to ensure that the Department of Justice enforces the law in a similar manner.
Introduction
â 865 â Federal Election Commission l As a legislative matter and given this abuse, the President should seriously consider recommending that Congress amend FECA to remove the agencyâs independent litigating authority and rely on the Department of Justice to handle all litigation involving the FEC. There are also multiple instances of existing statutory provisions of FECA and the accompanying FEC regulations having been found unlawful or unconstitu- tional by federal court decisions, yet those statutory provisions remain in the U.S. Code and the implementing regulations remain in the Code of Federal Regula- tions.12 In such instances, those regulated by the law, from candidates to the public, have no way of knowing (without engaging in extensive legal research) whether particular statutory provisions and regulations are still applicable to their actions in the political arena. l The President should request that the commissioners on the FEC prepare such guidance. l In the event that the FEC fails to act, the President should direct the attorney general to prepare a guidance document from the Department of Justice for the public that outlines all of the FECA statutory provisions and FEC regulations that have been changed, amended, or voided by specific court decisions. Legislative Changes. While a Presidentâs ability to make any changes at an independent agency like the FEC is limited,13 the President has the ability to make legislative recommendations to Congress. One of the most obvious changes that is needed is to end the current practice of allowing commissioners to remain as serving commissioners long after their term has expired, defying the clear intent of Congress in specifying that a commissioner can only serve a single term of six years. l The President should prioritize nominations to the FEC once commissioners reach the end of their terms and should be assisted by legislative language either eliminating or limiting overstays to a reasonable period of time to permit the vetting, nomination, and confirmation of successors. l The President should vigorously oppose all efforts, as proposed, for example, in Section 6002 of the âFor the People Act of 2021,â14 to change the structure of the FEC to reduce the number of commissioners from six to five or another odd number. The current requirement of four votes to authorize an enforcement action, provide
Introduction
â 866 â Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise an advisory opinion, or issue regulations, ensures that there is bipartisan agreement before any action is taken and protects against the FEC being used as a political weapon. With only five commissioners, three members of the same political party could control the enforcement process of the agency, raising the potential of a powerful federal agency enforcing the law on a partisan basis against the members of the opposition political party. Efforts to impose a ânonpartisanâ or so-called âinde- pendentâ chair are impractical; the chair will inevitably be aligned with his or her appointing party, at least as a matter of perception. There are numerous other changes that should be considered in FECA and the FECâs regulations. The overly restrictive limits on the ability of party com- mittees to coordinate with their candidates, for example, violates associational rights and unjustifiably interferes with the very purpose of political parties: to elect their candidates. l Raise contribution limits and index reporting requirements to inflation. Contribution limits should generally be much higher, as they hamstring candidates and parties while serving no practical anticorruption purpose. And a wide range of reporting requirements have not been indexed to inflation, clogging the public record and the FECâs internal processes with small-dollar information of little use to the public. CONCLUSION When taking any action related to the FEC, the President should keep in mind that, as former FEC Chairman Bradley Smith says, the âgreater problem at the FEC has been overenforcement,â not underenforcement as some critics falsely allege.15 As he correctly concludes, the FECâs enforcement efforts âplace a substan- tial burden on small committees and campaigns, and are having a chilling effect on some political speechâŚsqueezing the life out of low level, volunteer politi- cal activity.â16 Commissioners have a duty to enforce FECA in a fair, nonpartisan, objective manner. But they must do so in a way that protects the First Amendment rights of the public, political parties, and candidates to fully participate in the political process. The President has the same duty to ensure that the Department of Justice enforces the law in a similar manner. â 867 â Federal Election Commission ENDNOTES 1. 52 U.S.C. § 30101 et seq. 2. 52 U.S.C. § 30106(b)(1). 3. 52 U.S.C. § 30109(c) and (d). 4. Bradley A. Smith and Stephen M. Hoersting, âA Toothless Anaconda: Innovation, Impotence and Overenforcement at the Federal Election Commission,â 1 Election Law Journal 2 (2002), p. 162. 5. 52 U.S.C. § 30106(a)(2). 6. 52 U.S.C. § 30106(a)(1). 7. Former Commissioner Steven Walther (2006â2022) was listed nominally as an independent but he was recommended to President George W. Bush for nomination by former Nevada Sen. Harry Reid (D) and almost always voted in line with the Democrat commissioners on the FEC. 8. Hans von Spakovsky served as a commissioner from 2006 to 2007 in a recess appointment. While no other nominee has been rejected by the Senate, the tradition of bipartisan voice vote confirmation has largely ended. Two Republican nomineesâAllen Dickerson and Sean Cookseyâwere confirmed on party-line votes in 2020. And one DemocratâDara Lindenbaumâwas confirmed with the support of only six Republican senators in 2022. 9. The term of the 6th Commissioner, Dara Lindenbaum (D), will expire on April 30, 2027. 10. 52 U.S.C. § 30107(a)(6). 11. âStatement of Chairman Allen J. Dickerson and Commissioners Sean J. Cooksey and James E. âTreyâ Trainor, III Regarding Concluded Enforcement Matters,â Federal Election Commission (May 13, 2022), https://www. fec.gov/resources/cms-content/documents/Redacted_Statement_Regarding_Concluded_Matters_13_ May_2022_Redacted.pdf. 12. See, e.g., McCutcheon v. Federal Election Commission, 572 U.S. 185 (2014). 13. It should be noted, however, that the constitutional authority of a President to, among other things, remove appointees and direct the actions of independent agencies is a hotly contested and increasingly litigated issue. See Free Enterprise Fund v. Public Company Accounting Oversight Board, 561 U.S. 477 (2010); Seila Law LLC v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, 140 S. Ct. 2183 (2020); and Collins v. Yellen, 141 S. Ct. 1761 (2021). 14. H.R. 1, 117th Cong. (2021â2022). 15. Bradley A. Smith and Stephen M. Hoersting, âA Toothless Anaconda: Innovation, Impotence and Overenforcement at the Federal Election Commission,â 1 Election Law Journal 2 (2002), p. 171. 16. Id.
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
About These Correlations
Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.