Strengthening Oversight of DHS Intelligence Act

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Bill ID: 119/hr/2261
Last Updated: July 12, 2026

Sponsored by

Rescom. Hernández, Pablo [D-PR-At Large]

ID: H001103

Follow the money

The bill

Strengthening Oversight of DHS Intelligence Act

HR. 2261, 119th Congress — read as touching Cybersecurity.

The sponsor

Rescom. Hernández, Pablo [D-PR-At Large]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The alignment

70% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Intelligence Community" section, p. 248-250 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Received in the Senate and Read twice and referred to the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs.

November 17, 2025

Introduced

Committee Review

Floor Action

Passed House

Senate Review

📍 Current Status

Next: Both chambers must agree on the same version of the bill.

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the 119th Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?

**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The "Strengthening Oversight of DHS Intelligence Act" (HR 2261) claims to enhance oversight of certain intelligence matters within the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). How quaint. The real purpose is to create a veneer of accountability while allowing the intelligence apparatus to continue its unchecked growth.

**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill amends the Homeland Security Act of 2002 by adding new language that supposedly ensures the protection of privacy rights, civil rights, and civil liberties. Oh, how noble. In reality, these changes are nothing more than a fig leaf covering the continued erosion of individual freedoms.

* The bill creates new requirements for sharing, retaining, and disseminating intelligence information, which will inevitably lead to more bureaucratic red tape and less actual oversight. * It mandates training for intelligence personnel on privacy rights and civil liberties, because clearly, these individuals were not aware of their duties before. How reassuring. * The Under Secretary for Intelligence and Analysis is now tasked with coordinating efforts to protect civil rights and liberties. Because that's exactly what we need – another layer of bureaucratic oversight.

**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The usual suspects: * DHS: Will continue to expand its intelligence apparatus, now with a shiny new coat of "oversight." * Intelligence personnel: Will receive more training on how to pretend to care about civil liberties. * Civil rights and liberties advocates: Will be placated by the appearance of reform while actual protections are watered down.

**Potential Impact & Implications:** This bill is a Band-Aid on a bullet wound. It will: * Further entrench the surveillance state, allowing DHS to continue collecting and disseminating intelligence with minimal oversight. * Create more bureaucratic hurdles for those seeking transparency and accountability. * Provide a false sense of security for citizens, who will believe that their rights are being protected when, in reality, they are not.

In conclusion, HR 2261 is a masterclass in legislative doublespeak. It's a bill designed to look good on paper while doing nothing to address the actual problems with DHS intelligence gathering. Bravo, Congress. You've managed to create another meaningless piece of legislation that will only serve to further erode our civil liberties.

Related Topics

National Security & IntelligenceGovernment Operations & AccountabilityExecutive Branch Oversight
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

No campaign finance data available for Rescom. Hernández, Pablo [D-PR-At Large]

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 2 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. Thompson, Bennie G. [D-MS-2]

ID: T000193

Top Contributors

10

1
LA, TUNICA-BILOXI TRIBE
N/A • N/A
IndividualMARKSVILLE, LA
$5,000
Feb 7, 2024
2
DINKLER, AYAME MS.
CRANE STRATEGIC, LLC • OWNER
IndividualNEW ORLEANS, LA
$3,300
Nov 1, 2024
3
REEVES, JAMES
SELF • ATTORNEY
IndividualBILOXI, MS
$3,300
Nov 1, 2024
4
WISMEIER, MOLLY
RESTAURANT R'EVOLUTION • DIRECTOR OF WINE AND SPIRITS
IndividualNEW ORLEANS, LA
$3,300
Nov 1, 2024
5
STAFFORD, MARK MR.
DRC EMERGENCY SERVICES • CHIEF OF OPERATIONS
IndividualBALA CYNWYD, PA
$3,300
Nov 1, 2024
6
ASHY, ALTON MR.
ADVANCED STRATEGIES • PRESIDENT
IndividualBATON ROUGE, LA
$3,300
Oct 25, 2024
7
LA, TUNICA-BILOXI TRIBE
N/A • N/A
IndividualMARKSVILLE, LA
$3,300
Dec 27, 2023
8
INDIANS, AGUA CALIENTE BAND O
NOT EMPLOYED • NOT EMPLOYED
IndividualPALM SPRINGS, CA
$3,300
Dec 27, 2023
9
LAMPTON, WILLIAM
ERGON, INC. • VP PUBLIC AFFAIRS & GOVERNMENT RELATIO
IndividualJACKSON, MS
$3,300
Oct 27, 2023
10
WALTON, JAMES
SELF • WALTON ENTERPRISES
IndividualBENTONVILLE, AR
$3,300
Feb 7, 2024

Rep. Evans, Gabe [R-CO-8]

ID: E000300

Top Contributors

10

1
WRIGHT, ELIZABETH
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualENGLEWOOD, CO
$6,600
Jun 29, 2024
2
WOODWARD, JOHN
SPIERER WOODWARD • ATTORNEY
IndividualGREENWOOD VILLAGE, CO
$6,600
Sep 19, 2023
3
BERGSTROM, ROBERT
BT CONSTRUCTION • CONSTRUCTION
IndividualFORT LUPTON, CO
$6,600
Oct 13, 2024
4
ERICKSON, GARY
EXECUTIVE CUSTOM CONSTRUCTION • GENERAL CONTRACTOR
IndividualCOLORADO SPRINGS, CO
$6,600
Oct 15, 2024
5
HASELDEN, BYRON
HASELDEN CONSTRUCTION • CEO
IndividualCENTENNIAL, CO
$6,600
Oct 14, 2024
6
HASELDEN, EDDIE
HASELDEN CONSTRUCTION • CHAIRMAN
IndividualCENTENNIAL, CO
$6,600
Oct 14, 2024
7
HASELDEN, MIKE
HASELDEN CONSTRUCTION • CO-CHAIRMAN
IndividualENGLEWOOD, CO
$6,600
Oct 14, 2024
8
WAGNER, BRUCE
WAGNER EQUIPMENT • PRES
IndividualLITTLETON, CO
$5,000
Sep 20, 2024
9
DUKE, D. A.
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualENGLEWOOD, CO
$5,000
Oct 9, 2024
10
MCDONALD, BRUCE
MCDONALD INSURANCE GROUP • OWNER
IndividualLITTLETON, CO
$3,868
Sep 30, 2024

Donor Network - Rescom. Hernández, Pablo [D-PR-At Large]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

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Showing 9 nodes and 6 connections

Total contributions: $31,400

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 helped, 1 harmed.

  • +Cybersecurityconfidence 0.80

    Section 2 enhances DHS oversight of intelligence matters, including protection of privacy rights and civil liberties, which may benefit cybersecurity industry through increased demand for privacy and security services (SEC. 2, subsection (a) of section 222).

  • −Big Tech Platformsconfidence 0.60

    The bill's emphasis on protecting privacy rights and civil liberties may impose new regulations or costs on big tech platforms that handle sensitive information (SEC. 2, paragraph (9) of section 201(d)).

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Intelligence Community

Moderate
Vector: 67%
Pages: 248-250AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"HR 2261 focuses on strengthening oversight of DHS intelligence operations to protect privacy, civil rights, and civil liberties, which aligns with Project 2025's concern about politicization and abuse of intelligence authorities, particularly in domestic contexts. While the bill does not directly address FISA reforms, China-focused intelligence, or the Hatch Act for former officials, it shares the overarching goal of ensuring intelligence is not misused for political purposes and promotes accoun"

Key themes:intelligence oversightprevention of politicizationcivil liberties protectionaccountability in intelligence operations

— 215 — Intelligence Community Hill who attempt to weaponize the use of selective intelligence to feed political narratives. l Political leaders should avoid “manipulation-by-appointment,” a practice by which intelligence leaders are selected for their policy views or political loyalties instead of their skilled expertise.24 Presidents should also avoid public rebukes and pressure from the intelligence profession, which can include intimidation and bullying, to shape IC analysis. This will be easier if IC leaders live by the norms of neutrality and thus are not seen as political actors, for whom political responses are deemed necessary. l Intelligence leaders and professionals should never “cook the books” for Presidents or change or shape their analysis to preserve access or status.25 FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE SURVEILLANCE ACT (FISA) A future President should understand the importance of FISA26 while also seek- ing reforms and accountability for any abuses of its authorities. When discussing FISA and what changes may need to be made, it is important to note and recognize that there are stark differences among the individual FISA authorities. Section 702 of FISA, for example, allows the IC to target foreign terrorists, spies, cyber hackers, and other bad actors (but only if they are non-U.S. persons) when their communications pass through the United States. While this authority may lapse if Congress does not resolve the issue by the end of 2023, Section 702 should be understood as an essential tool in the fight against terrorism, malicious cyber actors, and Chinese espionage. These are two major national security priorities for an incoming President, and it is imperative that the need to use properly main- tained and accountable authorities to counter these challenges be recognized. Section 702 is a vital program that often provides the lion’s share of intelligence used in the President’s Daily Brief (PDB).27 An independent review by the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board (PCLOB) found that it was not abused. Nev- ertheless, Congress should review the PCLOB’s upcoming 2023 report to help it determine whether any reforms or codification of recent administrative changes in FISA processes are needed. Other authorities in Title I and Title III, often referred to as “traditional” FISA, have elicited valid concerns about the politicization of intelligence collection authority in recent years. When seeking surveillance of Trump campaign adviser Carter Page, for example, the FBI and the Department of Justice concealed vital information from a specialized court and submitted applications that were riddled with errors. An incoming conservative President should consider reforms designed to prevent future partisan abuses of national security authority. A package of strong provisions to protect against such partisanship might include: — 216 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Stiffer penalties and mandatory investigations when intelligence leaks are aimed at domestic political targets, l Tighter controls on otherwise lawful intercepts that also collect the communications of domestic political figures, l An express prohibition on politically motivated use of intelligence authorities, and l Reforms to improve the accountability of the Justice Department and the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court. To keep intelligence credentials from being used for partisan purposes, former high-ranking intelligence officials who retain a clearance should remain subject to the Hatch Act after they leave government to deter them from tying their political stands or activism to their continuing privilege of access to classified government information. The IC should be prohibited from monitoring so-called domestic disinformation. Such activity can easily slip into suppression of an opposition party’s speech, is corrosive of First Amendment protections, and raises questions about impartiality when the IC chooses not to act. CHINA-FOCUSED CHANGES, REFORMS, AND RESOURCES The term “whole of government” is all too frequently overused, but in responding to the generational threat posed by the Chinese Communist Party, that is exactly the approach that our national security apparatus should adopt. CIA Director William Burns has formally established a China Mission Center focused on these efforts, but it can be successful only if it is given the necessary personnel, cross-community collaboration, and resources. That is uncertain at this point, and just how seriously the organization is taking the staffing of the center is unclear. A critical strategic question for an incoming Administration and IC lead- ers will be: How, when, and with whom do we share our classified intelligence? Understanding when to pass things to liaisons and for what purpose will be vital to outmaneuvering China in the intelligence sphere. Questions for a President will include: l What is our overarching conception of the adversarial relationship and competition? l How does intelligence-sharing fit into that conception?

Intelligence Community

Moderate
Vector: 66%
Pages: 248-250AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"HR 2261 focuses on strengthening oversight, training, and privacy/civil liberties protections within DHS intelligence, which shares the Project 2025 goal of preventing intelligence abuses and ensuring accountability, though it does not directly address politicization, FISA reform, or appointment neutrality."

Key themes:oversightaccountabilitycivil liberties protectionprevention of abuseintelligence training

— 215 — Intelligence Community Hill who attempt to weaponize the use of selective intelligence to feed political narratives. l Political leaders should avoid “manipulation-by-appointment,” a practice by which intelligence leaders are selected for their policy views or political loyalties instead of their skilled expertise.24 Presidents should also avoid public rebukes and pressure from the intelligence profession, which can include intimidation and bullying, to shape IC analysis. This will be easier if IC leaders live by the norms of neutrality and thus are not seen as political actors, for whom political responses are deemed necessary. l Intelligence leaders and professionals should never “cook the books” for Presidents or change or shape their analysis to preserve access or status.25 FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE SURVEILLANCE ACT (FISA) A future President should understand the importance of FISA26 while also seek- ing reforms and accountability for any abuses of its authorities. When discussing FISA and what changes may need to be made, it is important to note and recognize that there are stark differences among the individual FISA authorities. Section 702 of FISA, for example, allows the IC to target foreign terrorists, spies, cyber hackers, and other bad actors (but only if they are non-U.S. persons) when their communications pass through the United States. While this authority may lapse if Congress does not resolve the issue by the end of 2023, Section 702 should be understood as an essential tool in the fight against terrorism, malicious cyber actors, and Chinese espionage. These are two major national security priorities for an incoming President, and it is imperative that the need to use properly main- tained and accountable authorities to counter these challenges be recognized. Section 702 is a vital program that often provides the lion’s share of intelligence used in the President’s Daily Brief (PDB).27 An independent review by the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board (PCLOB) found that it was not abused. Nev- ertheless, Congress should review the PCLOB’s upcoming 2023 report to help it determine whether any reforms or codification of recent administrative changes in FISA processes are needed. Other authorities in Title I and Title III, often referred to as “traditional” FISA, have elicited valid concerns about the politicization of intelligence collection authority in recent years. When seeking surveillance of Trump campaign adviser Carter Page, for example, the FBI and the Department of Justice concealed vital information from a specialized court and submitted applications that were riddled with errors. An incoming conservative President should consider reforms designed to prevent future partisan abuses of national security authority. A package of strong provisions to protect against such partisanship might include:

Intelligence Community

Moderate
Vector: 65%
Pages: 254-256AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"Both HR 2261 and the Project 2025 Intelligence Community section emphasize strengthening oversight, accountability, and training within intelligence operations, but HR 2261 focuses on privacy/civil liberties protections within DHS while Project 2025 prioritizes strategic analysis, political neutrality, information sharing, and real-time auditing across the broader IC."

Key themes:oversightaccountabilitytrainingcivil liberties protection

— 221 — Intelligence Community influence and the FBI’s warnings about continued efforts through the 2022 mid- terms highlight the folly of undue certainty without consideration of alternatives. On election influence and other controversial issues, such as the origin of COVID-19, analysts at the most powerful intelligence agencies have increasingly tended to use the leeway they have been given to insert their political views into their work in order to influence (if possibly even control) the analytic process. They do this in ways that attempt to squash dissent and impair the creation of a culture in which entrenched views are challenged and unpopular analytical lines can sur- vive or not according to their merits. To help the United States and its leaders to outcompete China across mul- tifaceted societal, economic, military, and technological threats, the IC’s capability to conduct strategic intelligence analysis that is relevant to policymak- ers in both parties must be rebuilt and strengthened. Because Beijing may be a peer or even exceed U.S. capabilities in some areas, the post-9/11 analytic focus on quick-turnaround secrets is not good enough. Strategic planning—informed by intelligence—must take place for the United States to stay ahead of whatever new threats China may pose. An incoming conservative President will have the opportunity to signal the demand for such strategic products and prioritize their production through communications to intelligence leaders and formal mechanisms such as shifting priorities within the National Intelligence Priority Framework and structuring the President’s Daily Brief. The incoming DNI should also emphasize implementing the recommendations in the Ombudsman’s report, especially regarding objectiv- ity, the inclusion of dissenting viewpoints, and more serious efforts to hold senior leaders accountable for backchannel attempts to change or suppress analytic views. Accounting for the long history of intelligence failures and surprises, an incom- ing conservative President must appreciate the ambiguity, complexity, limits, and assumptions inherent in intelligence assessments. Intelligence often deals with the human dimension in complex decision systems within a foreign country or organi- zation, and this makes consistently accurate predictions difficult if not impossible to develop. Seeing something and understanding what you are seeing are two dif- ferent things, so a President should consistently and patiently press the IC about its potential biases, assumptions, methodology, and sourcing. With regard to election-threat analysis and politically controversial topics, agency leaders should take seriously the Ombudsman’s admonition that we need to maintain tradecraft standards across all countries and topics by ensuring that equitable standards apply across all foreign threat actors. Analysis should be put forward without regard to the domestic political ramifications of intelligence conclusions. “Obligation to Share” and Real-Time Auditing Capability. The fed- eral government has made admirable progress in recent years by being more — 222 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise forward-leaning in sharing cyber threat intelligence with private-sector partners and the public, emphasizing that the protective nature of such information is of value only if put into the right hands at the right time. Since critical infrastructure and services are overwhelmingly owned, managed, and defended by the private sector in the United States, there has been an increasing emphasis on declassify- ing intelligence and sharing actionable information with private-sector partners, often through industry-specific Information Sharing and Analysis Centers (ISACs); regional meetings of government and private-sector experts called InfraGard, run by the FBI; direct public notification from the Department of Homeland Security, the FBI, and (increasingly) the NSA; and more discreet one-on-one engagements led by the collecting agencies. These programs properly recognize the private sector’s role in providing cyber- security for Americans; in practice, however, the intelligence shared by the U.S. government through these venues is too often already known or no longer relevant by the time it makes its way through the downgrade process for sharing. In addition, government-shared information often needs to take advantage of the opportunity to provide contexts, such as attribution, trends, and size of the observed cyber problem. As warranted, additional context should be provided to the private sector as a matter of routine. To continue improving the U.S. government’s ability to defend the country’s most vital networks, the IC must adopt an “obligation to share” policy process, including the capacity for “write to release” intelligence products whereby newly discovered technical indicators, targeting, and other intelligence relevant to cyber defense are automatically provided either to the public or to targeted entities within 48 hours of their collection—which is how counterterrorism intel- ligence has been managed for years when it comes to a “duty to warn.” Under this policy, agency heads should still have the flexibility to withhold intelligence for operational or counterintelligence reasons but would need to report regularly to Congress on the number of and justification for exceptions. This policy would make sharing intelligence and defending networks the default, as it already is in the rest of the cybersecurity community outside the IC, to improve the quantity, relevance, and timeliness of defensive information while ensuring accountability for top leaders when they must withhold this information. One of the most significant challenges within the IC is presented by the need to share information promptly among the 18 elements of the intelligence enterprise. The only long-term solution to the understandable tension between the need to share information and the need to protect intelligence sources and methods is a robust real-time auditing capability that electronically flags unauthorized access. Under an identity management system with real-time audit, even the most sensi- tive information acquired by America’s intelligence agencies can be shared, and the access to and use of that information are appropriately monitored. Establishing

Showing 3 of 5 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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