To amend the Research and Development, Competition, and Innovation Act to support nucleic acid screening, and for other purposes.

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Bill ID: 119/hr/3029
Last Updated: September 7, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Salinas, Andrea [D-OR-6]

ID: S001226

Follow the money

The bill

To amend the Research and Development, Competition, and Innovation Act to support nucleic acid screening, and for other purposes.

HR. 3029, 119th Congress — read as touching Biotech & Research.

The sponsor

Rep. Salinas, Andrea [D-OR-6]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$86,500 raised

30 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

55% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Department of Energy and Related Commissions" section, p. 440-442 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Received in the Senate and Read twice and referred to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation.

July 20, 2026

Introduced

Committee Review

Floor Action

Passed House

Senate Review

📍 Current Status

Next: Both chambers must agree on the same version of the bill.

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the geniuses in Congress. Let's dissect this mess, shall we?

HR 3029, or the "Nucleic Acid Standards for Biosecurity Act," is a bill that claims to support nucleic acid screening. How noble. But, as with all things in politics, the devil lies in the details – or rather, the lack thereof.

This bill amends the Research and Development, Competition, and Innovation Act to include new regulations on nucleic acid synthesis screening tools and standards. Because, you know, the previous regulations were just so effective (sarcasm alert). The Director of the National Institute of Standards and Technology will now be responsible for carrying out measurement research to develop best practices and technical standards for biosecurity measures related to nucleic acid synthesis.

The affected industries? Biotech, pharmaceuticals, and anyone who dares to touch a test tube. Compliance requirements include developing and implementing new screening tools, security protocols, and conformity-assessment best practices. All of this must be done within an unspecified timeframe, because who needs deadlines when you're dealing with the safety of the nation?

The enforcement mechanisms? A consortium of stakeholders will be convened to develop consensus priorities and best practices. Oh, joy. Because nothing says "effective regulation" like a group of industry insiders and bureaucrats getting together to decide what's best for everyone else.

The economic impact? A whopping $5 million per year for five years to carry out this subsection. That's roughly the cost of a decent lobbying campaign. I'm sure the biotech industry is shaking in its boots.

But let's get real here. This bill isn't about biosecurity; it's about creating a new regulatory framework that will benefit certain industries at the expense of others. It's about creating a lucrative market for nucleic acid screening tools and services, courtesy of your tax dollars.

In medical terms, this bill is a classic case of "legislative lupus" – a chronic condition where politicians' brains are eaten away by their own self-interest, causing them to produce laws that benefit only themselves and their cronies. The symptoms include vague language, unnecessary complexity, and a complete disregard for the public interest.

Diagnosis: Terminal stupidity, with a side of corruption and greed. Prognosis: More of the same, until the system collapses under its own weight of incompetence. Treatment: None, because let's face it, these politicians are beyond help.

Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Salinas, Andrea [D-OR-6]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$86,500
26 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$27,200
Committees
$0
Individuals
$59,300

No PAC contributions found

1
COW CREEK BAND OF UMPQUA TRIBE OF INDIANS
2 transactions
$6,600
2
CONFEDERATED TRIBES OF GRAND RONDE
2 transactions
$5,000
3
FEDERATED INDIANS OF GRATON RANCHERIA
1 transaction
$3,300
4
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
2 transactions
$3,300
5
MORONGO BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
2 transactions
$3,000
6
BARONA BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
1 transaction
$1,500
7
CONFEDERATED TRIBES OF THE UMATILLA INDIAN RESERVATION GENERAL FUND
1 transaction
$1,500
8
SANTA YNEZ BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
1 transaction
$1,000
9
THE CHICKSAW NATION
1 transaction
$1,000
10
CHEROKEE NATION
1 transaction
$1,000

No committee contributions found

1
KARDON, JOSH
1 transaction
$5,100
2
HACKMAN, MICHAEL
1 transaction
$5,000
3
MANJOORAN, PREM
1 transaction
$5,000
4
NESSEL, ARIEL
1 transaction
$4,100
5
MIRANDA, LUIS
1 transaction
$3,600
6
KAFOURY, JUDY
1 transaction
$3,500
7
MCDOUGAL, MARK
1 transaction
$3,300
8
SISSON, GRETCHEN
1 transaction
$3,300
9
GOLDEN, SYLVIA
1 transaction
$3,300
10
GABEL, CAROLINE
1 transaction
$3,300
11
MILLARD, KEN
1 transaction
$3,300
12
PAGE, GLORIA
1 transaction
$3,300
13
HEISING, MARK
1 transaction
$3,300
14
MILLER, RICK
1 transaction
$3,300
15
SIMONS, ELIZABETH
1 transaction
$3,300
16
TRONE, DAVID
1 transaction
$3,300

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 3 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. McCormick, Richard [R-GA-7]

ID: M001218

Top Contributors

20

1
OGLESBY, CHARLES
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualSUWANEE, GA
$10,000
Jan 18, 2024
2
OGLESBY, CHARLES
IndividualSUWANEE, GA
$10,000
Jan 22, 2024
3
HAMILTON, ANNE
THORNBRIAR CAPITAL LLC • BUSINESS OWNER
IndividualCUMMING, GA
$10,000
Feb 13, 2023
4
VERMA, VIKAS
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualATLANTA, GA
$6,600
Oct 28, 2024
5
KLINGENSTEIN, THOMAS
COHEN KLINGENSTEIN • INVESTMENT ADVISOR
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$6,600
Oct 28, 2023
6
LUKE, DEBRA
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualPHOENIX, AZ
$6,600
Feb 6, 2024
7
BATMASIAN, JAMES H
INVESTMENTS LIMITED • OWNER
IndividualBOCA RATON, FL
$6,600
May 25, 2023
8
KOLLAR, CLINT
SIXTH STREET PARTNERS • INVESTOR
IndividualSAN FRANCISCO, CA
$6,600
May 28, 2023
9
KOLLAR, HEATHER
SELF • MOTHER
IndividualSAN FRANCISCO, CA
$6,600
May 28, 2023
10
STEBBINS, ROBERT
WILLKIE FARR GALLAGHER • ATTORNEY
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$6,600
Apr 1, 2023

Rep. McBride, Sarah [D-DE-At Large]

ID: M001238

Top Contributors

32

1
SOKOLA FOR SENATE
COMNEWARK, DE
$1,000
Dec 15, 2023
2
HPUL PROJECT OPERATIONS
OrganizationUPPER LAKE, CA
$3,300
Dec 30, 2023
3
ATLAS RESTAURANT GROUP LLC
OrganizationBALTIMORE, MD
$1,000
Jun 12, 2024
4
EASTERN SUSSEX DEMOCRATS
OrganizationLEWES, DE
$1,000
Jun 23, 2024
5
FRIENDS FOR HANSEN
OrganizationMIDDLETOWN, DE
$600
Oct 6, 2024
6
FRIENDS OF JULIAN CYR
OrganizationTRURO, MA
$500
Nov 4, 2024
7
FRIENDS OF JULIAN CYR
OrganizationTRURO, MA
$500
Apr 30, 2024
8
FRIENDS OF SHARIF STREET
OrganizationPHILADELPHIA, PA
$500
Jun 5, 2024
9
SC PAC
OrganizationWILMINGTON, DE
$500
Sep 10, 2024
10
SC PAC
OrganizationWILMINGTON, DE
$500
Oct 11, 2024

Rep. Riley, Josh [D-NY-19]

ID: R000622

Top Contributors

25

1
HOPE SPRINGS FARM
OrganizationROXBURY, NY
$3,300
Aug 20, 2024
2
THE PLANTSMEN NURSERY
OrganizationGROTON, NY
$500
Oct 11, 2024
3
FLOWERS BY ORZEL
OrganizationWHITNEY POINT, NY
$300
May 6, 2024
4
FLOWERS BY ORZEL
OrganizationWHITNEY POINT, NY
$300
Jun 5, 2024
5
HOPE SPRINGS FARM
OrganizationROXBURY, NY
$50
Sep 13, 2024
6
KIRK, CLAY KENAN
SELF-EMPLOYED • INVESTOR
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$6,600
Sep 23, 2024
7
KIRK, GARRETT JR
SELF-EMPLOYED • INVESTOR
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$6,600
Sep 23, 2024
8
TRONE, DAVID J.
IndividualPOTOMAC, MD
$6,600
Jan 21, 2024
9
LANDEGGGER, GEORGE F.
IndividualRYE BROOK, NY
$5,000
Jul 31, 2024
10
FAIVUS, HARRY
SELF-EMPLOYED • PHYSICIAN
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$5,000
Oct 28, 2024

Donor Network - Rep. Salinas, Andrea [D-OR-6]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 82 nodes and 85 connections

Total contributions: $85

Top Donors - Rep. Salinas, Andrea [D-OR-6]

Showing top 25 donors by contribution amount

10 Orgs16 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 3 helped.

  • +Biotech & Researchconfidence 0.90

    Section 2(b)(1) directs measurement research to support development and improvement of best practices and technical standards for biosecurity measures related to nucleic acid synthesis, which benefits biotech firms engaged in synthetic nucleic acid procurement and screening.

  • +Medical Devicesconfidence 0.80

    Section 2(b)(1)(C) provides technical implementation guidance to ensure nucleic acid synthesis screening is effective and secure, which aids medical device manufacturers involved in diagnostics and nucleic acid-based testing.

  • +Pharmaceuticalsconfidence 0.70

    Section 2(b)(1) supports development of screening tools and standards for nucleic acid synthesis, which can benefit pharmaceutical companies using synthetic biology for drug development and vaccine production.

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Salinas, Andrea [D-OR-6])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HELPS

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Department of Energy and Related Commissions

Weak
Vector: 63%
Pages: 440-442AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill focuses on biosecurity standards for nucleic acid synthesis, while the Project 2025 excerpt addresses energy infrastructure (FERC/LNG) and nuclear regulatory reforms (NRC). Both share a theme of federal regulatory reform to enhance safety and innovation, but the substantive domains are unrelated."

Key themes:regulatory reformsafety and securityinnovation promotionstreamlined processesfederal oversight

— 408 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise FERC is considering policy statements that would consider GHG emissions as part of its NEPA review and its NGA determination as to whether approval of an LNG export facility is consistent with the public interest. New Policies Since Congress through the NGA has already determined that LNG exports to countries with free trade agreements are in the public interest,129 and because LNG exports help to ensure America’s ability to support our friends and allies around the world while also supporting domestic natural gas production, FERC: l Should not use environmental issues like climate change as a reason to stop LNG projects. l Should ensure that the natural gas pipelines that are needed deliver more of the product to market, both for domestic use and export, and are reviewed, developed and constructed in a timely manner. NUCLEAR REGULATORY COMMISSION Mission/Overview The Energy Reorganization Act of 1974130 created the Nuclear Regulatory Com- mission (NRC). Before then, the commercial nuclear industry was regulated by the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC), which was established by the 1954 Atomic Energy Act.131 Importantly, the AEC was responsible for encouraging and regulat- ing commercial nuclear power. Broad criticism of this dual function was a major factor in the establishment of the NRC, which held regulatory authority while the newly established Department of Energy held the advocacy function. Today, the NRC is responsible for a broad range of regulatory activities, including reactor safety, oversight of nuclear materials, and protection against radiation as well as permitting new reactors, certifying new reactor designs, and regulating nuclear waste management activities. Needed Reforms In 1989, the NRC established alternative licensing processes that were meant to provide a more predictable and efficient regulatory pathway for new Light Water Reactors (LWRs) by combining construction and operating nuclear power plant licenses, allowing for Early Site Permits, and establishing a framework for pre- approval of reactor designs. More recently, the Nuclear Energy Innovation and Modernization Act directed the NRC to establish a technology-neutral licensing process for new, advanced reactor technologies.132 Despite these efforts, the NRC remains a significant cost and regulatory barrier to new nuclear power. Especially — 409 — Department of Energy and Related Commissions frustrating is that these costs to a large extent are due to the agencies being overly prescriptive rather than outcomes-focused and fall on well-known and understood LWR reactor technologies. New Policies While refocusing its regulatory efforts on new reactor technologies, the NRC should also continue to ensure the security of radiological sources and mitigate cybersecurity risks across the industry. Applications for Combined Operating Licenses (COLs) and design certifications that rely on light-water technology should generally be completed within two years. Early Site Permits should gener- ally be issued within one year for construction on or adjacent to an existing reactor site. Additionally, the NRC should: l Expedite the review and approval of license extensions of existing reactors, which will require the NRC to streamline and focus its NEPA review process. l Set clear radiation exposure and protection standards by eliminating ALARA (“as low as reasonably achievable”) as a regulatory principle and setting clear standards according to radiological risk and dose rather than arbitrary objectives. l Work with Congress to reform its funding approach so that licensee fees are generally required for activities that are specific to a regulated entity, with other agency costs being provided through normal appropriations. Budget In FY 2022, the NRC was required to recover approximately 85 percent of its $887.7 million budget through licensee fees.133 The Nuclear Energy Innovation and Modernization Act requires the NRC to recover nearly all of its costs through fees. These reforms would likely not cost additional money but could rebalance the fee-versus-appropriations calculation. AUTHOR’S NOTE: The preparation of this chapter was the work of many individuals. All contributors to this chapter are listed at the front of this volume, but I wish to give special thanks to Brent Bennett, Willis Bixby, Travis Fisher, Ben Lieberman, Brian McCormack, Tom Pyle, Mark Robeck, Daniel Simmons, Jack Spencer, Katie Tubb, and David Walsh. Though informed by many, the author alone assumes responsibility for the content of this chapter, and no views expressed herein should be attributed to any particular individual.

Environmental Protection Agency

Weak
Vector: 62%
Pages: 467-469AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"HR 3029 addresses nucleic acid biosecurity standards, whereas the Project 2025 EPA section focuses on chemical and pesticide risk evaluations under TSCA and FIFRA; both share a concern for risk management and standards development but apply to different regulatory domains."

Key themes:risk managementstandards developmentstakeholder consultationmeasurement researchregulatory oversight

— 434 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Ensure that new chemical evaluations are conducted in a timely manner, consistent with statutory requirements, to ensure the competitiveness of U.S. manufacturers. l For new chemicals, reset the program to ensure that reviews are completed on a timeline that is consistent with the statute. This includes revising the regulations governing the reviews of new chemicals. l Ensure that risk evaluations and risk management rules presume that workplaces are following all OSHA requirements, including requirements for personal protective equipment (PPE). l Apply real-world use of chemicals when assessing conditions of use for risk evaluations. l Transition the Safer Choice program to the private sector. l Right-size the TSCA fee’s rule so that it is consistent with the tasks that the agency is actually completing within the timelines of the statute and is not covering the costs of EPA inefficiency or overreach. l Revise existing policies to address the requirements of the 2016 Lautenberg amendments to the TSCA.41 l Develop a framework rule for risk management approaches that will be used under TSCA for existing chemicals. Needed Reforms and New Policy in OPP (Pesticides) l OPP should rely on Department of Agriculture and state usage data that reflect actual pesticide use in registration reviews and Endangered Species Act (ESA)42 analyses. The U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service and National Marine Fisheries Service should rely on similar data in their ESA analyses. l OPP has rigorous testing requirements that registrants must meet before pesticides are allowed on the market. However, when pesticides undergo registration review every 15 years, EPA relies on publicly available data with differing levels of quality and transparency. Data standards are needed to ensure that information relied on by EPA is made available to the agency at a similar level as the original testing data conducted by registrants to ensure that EPA can conduct a robust review and analysis of the data. — 435 — Environmental Protection Agency l ESA reform for pesticides is necessary. When approving pesticides, FIFRA allows for cost-benefit balancing, recognizing that pesticides are effective precisely because they harm pests. However, the ESA does not allow for any consideration of the beneficial effects of pesticides. In order to meet ESA obligations, pesticide uses are severely restricted, leaving growers with limited tools for crop protection. l New policies are needed to ensure that other program offices (such as ORD, OW, and OLEM) will defer to OPP on toxicity issues. OPP has rigorous testing requirements for pesticide ingredients and products to ensure before they go to market that their use will not harm human health and the environment. Assessments by other offices are redundant. l While individual pesticide registrations are considered adjudications and not reviewed by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), consistent with a 1993 OMB guidance, when pesticide tolerances and registrations are withdrawn by the agency (as opposed to being withdrawn voluntarily by registrants), these actions should undergo coordinated interagency review managed by OMB. Budget The Biden Administration has expanded the scope and breadth of regulatory actions with respect to OPPT and OPP, but both programs continue to maintain that resources are insufficient. OPPT (chemicals) suffers from a lack of leadership and an inability to complete the most basic requirements efficiently and in a timely fashion. While EPA has asked for more resources, including higher industry fees, it is not clear that it has the capacity to use additional dollars efficiently. With regard to OPP (pesticides), pesticide manufacturers feel that the program is underfunded and would like its budget to be increased so that pesticide actions can be reviewed more quickly. Manufacturers are also willing to pay higher fees to the fee-based portion of the program. However, grower groups have been dis- appointed by EPA’s actions and have significant concerns about EPA’s ability to conduct science-based risk assessments and take risk management actions that appropriately balance benefits and risks as required by FIFRA. Guardrails and third-party audits should be part of any funding increases through the Pesticide Registration Improvement Act (PRIA)43 or other mechanisms. OFFICE OF RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT (ORD) AND RELATED SCIENCE ACTIVITIES While much of this work has not been authorized by law, EPA conducts a wide variety of intramural and extramural research, development, regulatory science,

Department of Health and Human Services

Weak
Vector: 62%
Pages: 488-490AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill focuses on biosecurity standards for nucleic acid synthesis and screening, while the Project 2025 HHS section centers on abortion data, gender identity, generic drug competition, laboratory-developed tests, and drug shortages. There is only a tangential connection through broader biotechnology regulation."

Key themes:biotechnology regulationnucleic acid screeningFDA oversight

— 456 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise abortion providers and whether better prenatal physical, mental, and social care improves infant outcomes and decreases abortion rates, especially among those who are most vulnerable. The Ensuring Accurate and Complete Abortion Data Reporting Act of 20239 would amend title XIX of the Social Security Act and Public Health Service Act to improve the CDC’s abortion reporting mechanisms by requiring states, as a condition of federal Medicaid payments for family planning services, to report streamlined variables in a timely manner. The CDC should immediately end its collection of data on gender identity, which legitimizes the unscientific notion that men can become women (and vice versa) and encourages the phenomenon of ever-multiplying subjective identities. FOOD AND DRUG ADMINISTRATION (FDA) The FDA’s mission includes ensuring the safety and efficacy of drugs, biological products, and medical devices. Federal Laws That Shield Big Pharma from Competition. Because generics generally cost far less than brand-name drugs, consumers begin to save money as soon as a generic product comes on the market. The vast majority are very afford- able with 93 percent of generic products costing $20 or less. Savings would be even higher under proposals that prevent brand-name man- ufacturers from slowing down or impeding the entrance of generic products into the marketplace. Specifically, the FDA should prohibit pharmaceutical companies from purposely sitting on their legally available right to be the first to sell generic versions of their drugs. Additionally, Congress should create legal remedies for generic companies to obtain samples of brand-name products for their generic development efforts and should prohibit meritless “citizen petitions” submitted by manufacturers to delay approval of a generic competitor.10 Approval Process for Laboratory-Developed or Modified Medical Tests. Learning from the failed early COVID-19 testing experience, Congress and the FDA should focus on reforming laws and regulations governing medical tests, especially with respect to laboratory-developed tests. Commercial tests are developed with the intention of being widely marketed, distributed, and used, while laboratory-developed tests are created with the intention of being used solely within one laboratory. A test developed by a lab in accordance with the protocols developed by another lab (non-commercial sharing) currently constitutes a “new” laboratory-developed test because the lab in which it will be used is different from the initial developing lab. To encourage interlab- oratory collaboration and discourage duplicative test creation (and associated regulatory and logistical burdens), the FDA should introduce mechanisms through which laboratory-developed tests can easily be shared with other laboratories with- out the current regulatory burdens.11 — 457 — Department of Health and Human Services The “laboratory-developed tests” category currently encompasses a range of possible tests, many of which would be characterized more appropriately as “lab- oratory-modified tests” because they are not truly novel tests but rather modified versions of existing tests. To avoid stifling innovation and access to medical care, the applicable statutes and regulations should be revised to facilitate greater access to such modified tests.12 Finally, the FDA has long held that it has regulatory authority over such tests, while others have argued that they should be considered clinical services regulated by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS). The FDA currently has regulatory authority over in vitro diagnostics, and under the Clinical Lab- oratory Improvement Amendments (CLIA),13 the CMS ensures that labs meet analytical validity standards for test methods. Congress, the FDA, and the CMS need to clarify and disentangle overlapping authorities over tests to eliminate regulatory confusion.14 Drug Shortages. The very thin profit margins and the regulatory burdens associated with generic drug manufacturing discourage inventory and capacity investments by manufacturers and contribute to drug shortages. HHS and the FDA should encourage more dependable generic drug manufacturing. The FDA should expand its current pass/fail approach to drug facility inspec- tions into a graded system that recognizes manufacturers that exceed minimum standards by investing in improving production reliability. The FDA should also add facility codes to drug packaging and construct a searchable database that cross-references product codes and facility codes. That would enable wholesalers and pharmacy benefit managers to identify and preference drugs manufactured at more reliable facilities, thus encouraging generic drug manufacturers to compete on reliability as well as on price. For its part, HHS should exempt multi-source generic drugs from requirements to pay rebates to Medicaid and other federally funded health programs, as those provisions penalize new investments in expanding manufacturing capacity when supply is unable to meet demand.15 Additionally, FDA and NIH should promote efficacy trials of new applications for generic drugs, which might include NIH fund- ing such trials or conducting its own. Abortion Pills. Abortion pills pose the single greatest threat to unborn chil- dren in a post-Roe world. The rate of chemical abortion in the U.S. has increased by more than 150 percent in the past decade; more than half of annual abortions in the U.S. are chemical rather than surgical. The abortion pill regimen is typically a two-part process. The first pill, mifepris- tone, causes the death of the unborn child by cutting off the hormone progesterone, which is required to sustain a pregnancy. The second pill, misoprostol, causes con- tractions to induce a delivery of the dead child and uterine contents, usually into a toilet at home. The abortion-pill regimen is currently approved for up to 70 days

Showing 3 of 5 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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