TAILOR Act of 2025

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Bill ID: 119/hr/3380
Last Updated: July 16, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Loudermilk, Barry [R-GA-11]

ID: L000583

Follow the money

The bill

TAILOR Act of 2025

HR. 3380, 119th Congress — read as touching Commercial Banks.

The sponsor

Rep. Loudermilk, Barry [R-GA-11]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$66,000 raised

20 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

61% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Introduction" section, p. 770-772 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Placed on the Union Calendar, Calendar No. 104.

June 3, 2025

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

🏛️

Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, brought to you by the esteemed members of Congress. Let's dissect this monstrosity, shall we?

**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The TAILOR Act of 2025 claims to "require Federal financial institutions regulatory agencies to take risk profiles and business models of institutions into account when taking regulatory actions." How noble. In reality, it's a thinly veiled attempt to gut regulations and let banks run amok.

**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill requires regulatory agencies to consider the "risk profile and business model" of each institution before imposing regulations. Sounds reasonable, but what it really means is that regulators will be forced to water down rules to accommodate the interests of big banks. The bill also establishes a "limited look-back application," which allows regulators to review and revise existing regulations – a clever way to undermine previous efforts to rein in bank excesses.

**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The usual suspects benefit from this bill: large financial institutions, their lobbyists, and the politicians who take their campaign donations. The rest of us? Not so much. Community banks might get some minor relief from reporting requirements, but that's just a token gesture to make the bill seem more palatable.

**Potential Impact & Implications:** This bill is a recipe for disaster. By allowing regulators to tailor regulations to individual institutions, it creates a system ripe for abuse and favoritism. Big banks will exploit these loopholes to avoid accountability, while smaller banks will struggle to compete in a regulatory environment that's increasingly stacked against them.

The real disease here is the corrupting influence of money in politics. This bill is just another symptom – a cynical attempt to serve the interests of powerful donors at the expense of the public good. It's a classic case of "regulatory capture," where politicians and regulators become beholden to the very industries they're supposed to oversee.

In short, the TAILOR Act of 2025 is a masterclass in legislative doublespeak – a bill that promises one thing but delivers another. It's a testament to the boundless creativity of politicians when it comes to serving their corporate masters and screwing over the rest of us. Bravo, Congress.

Related Topics

Banking & Financial ServicesFederal Budget & Appropriations
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Loudermilk, Barry [R-GA-11]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$66,000
13 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$0
Committees
$0
Individuals
$66,000

No PAC contributions found

No organization contributions found

No committee contributions found

1
STEPHENSON, DONNA MRS.
2 transactions
$6,600
2
STEPHENSON, JAMES MR.
2 transactions
$6,600
3
STEPHENS, WARREN
2 transactions
$6,600
4
TEAGUE, GREGORY D. MR.
2 transactions
$6,600
5
DICKERSON, JASON
2 transactions
$6,600
6
LIEBERMAN, RONALD MR.
2 transactions
$6,600
7
YOUNG, E. HOWARD MR.
2 transactions
$6,600
8
BOLCH, CARL MR. JR.
1 transaction
$3,300
9
MORRIS, JOHN
1 transaction
$3,300
10
LAKO, WILLIAM
1 transaction
$3,300
11
WALLACE, JAY
1 transaction
$3,300
12
YOUNG, REBECCA H. MRS.
1 transaction
$3,300
13
NICHOLAS, DAVID
1 transaction
$3,300

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 1 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. Downing, Troy [R-MT-2]

ID: D000634

Top Contributors

10

1
REPUBLICAN MAINSTREET PARTNERSHIP PAC
PACWASHINGTON, DC
$5,000
Sep 18, 2024
2
BILLION, JOSEPH C
RETIREDRETIRED
IndividualBOZEMAN, MT
$13,200
Dec 31, 2023
3
BILLION, PEDER J
BILLION DODGE CHRYSLER JEEP RAMOWNER
IndividualBOZEMAN, MT
$13,200
Dec 31, 2023
4
DURRETT, STEVEN
RETIREDRETIRED
IndividualBILLINGS, MT
$13,200
May 1, 2024
5
BARNARD, MARY
HOMEMAKERHOMEMAKER
IndividualBOZEMAN, MT
$6,600
Aug 1, 2024
6
BARNARD, TIMOTHY
BARNARD CONST. CO.CHAIRMAN
IndividualBOZEMAN, MT
$6,600
Aug 1, 2024
7
GREGORY, JOSEPH R.
IndividualPINEY FLATS, TN
$6,600
Jul 15, 2024
8
PLANTE, THOMAS
RETIREDRETIRED
IndividualHENDERSONVILLE, TN
$6,600
Sep 10, 2024
9
MENHOLT, DENNY
MENHOLT AUTO GROUPAUTO DEALER
IndividualBILLINGS, MT
$6,600
Aug 12, 2024
10
GALT, SHARRIE
IndividualMARTINSDALE, MT
$6,600
Nov 1, 2024

Donor Network - Rep. Loudermilk, Barry [R-GA-11]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 29 nodes and 23 connections (30 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $97,400

Top Donors - Rep. Loudermilk, Barry [R-GA-11]

Showing top 13 donors by contribution amount

13 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 helped.

  • +Commercial Banksconfidence 0.90

    Section 2 requires federal financial institutions regulatory agencies to consider risk profiles and business models when taking regulatory actions and tailor regulations to limit regulatory impact, which benefits commercial banks by reducing compliance burdens. Section 3 mandates short-form call reports for banks eligible for the Community Bank Leverage Ratio, reducing reporting requirements. Section 4 requires a report on modernization of bank supervision, which could lead to more efficient sup

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Loudermilk, Barry [R-GA-11])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HELPS

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.

Introduction

Moderate61.2%
Pages: 770-772

— 737 — Federal Reserve by ensuring that cash earns a positive (inflation-adjusted) rate of return, it can pre- vent households and businesses from holding inefficiently small money balances. Further benefits of free banking include dramatic reduction of economic cycles, an end to indirect financing of federal spending, removal of the “lender of last resort” permanent bailout function of central banks, and promotion of currency competition.26 This allows Americans many more ways to protect their savings. Because free banking implies that financial services and banking would be gov- erned by general business laws against, for example, fraud or misrepresentation, crony regulatory burdens that hurt customers would be dramatically eased, and innovation would be encouraged. Potential downsides of free banking stem from its greatest benefit: It has mas- sive political hurdles to clear. Economic theory predicts and economic history confirms that free banking is both stable and productive, but it is radically different from the system we have now. Transitioning to free banking would require polit- ical authorities, including Congress and the President, to coordinate on multiple reforms simultaneously. Getting any of them wrong could imbalance an otherwise functional system. Ironically, it is the very strength of a true free banking system that makes transitioning to one so difficult. Commodity-Backed Money. For most of U.S. history, the dollar was defined in terms of both gold and silver. The problem was that when the legal price differed from the market price, the artificially undervalued currency would disappear from circulation. There were times, for instance, when this mechanism put the U.S. on a de facto silver standard. However, as a result, inflation was limited. Given this track record, restoring a gold standard retains some appeal among monetary reformers who do not wish to go so far as abolishing the Federal Reserve. Both the 2012 and 2016 GOP platforms urged the establishment of a commis- sion to consider the feasibility of a return to the gold standard,27 and in October 2022, Representative Alexander Mooney (R–WV) introduced a bill to restore the gold standard.28 In economic effect, commodity-backing the dollar differs from free banking in that the government (via the Fed) maintains both regulatory and bailout functions. However, manipulation of money and credit is limited because new dollars are not costless to the federal government: They must be backed by some hard asset like gold. Compared to free banking, then, the benefits of commodity-backed money are reduced, but transition disruptions are also smaller. The process of commodity backing is very straightforward: Treasury could set the price of a dollar at today’s market price of $2,000 per ounce of gold. This means that each Federal Reserve note could be redeemed at the Federal Reserve and exchanged for 1/2000 ounce of gold—about $80, for example, for a gold coin the weight of a dime. Private bank liabilities would be redeemable upon their issuers. Banks could send those traded-in dollars to the Treasury for gold to replenish their — 738 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise vaults. This creates a powerful self-policing mechanism: If the federal govern- ment creates dollars too quickly, more people will doubt the peg and turn in their gold to banks, which then will turn in their gold and drain the government’s gold. This forces governments to rein in spending and inflation lest their gold reserves become depleted. One concern raised against commodity backing is that there is not enough gold in the federal government for all the dollars in existence. This is solved by making sure that the initial peg on gold is correct. Also, in reality, a very small number of users trade for gold as long as they believe the government will stick to the price peg. The mere fact that people could exchange dollars for gold is what acts as the enforcer. After all, if one is confident that a dollar will still be worth 1/2000 ounce of gold in a year, it is much easier to walk about with paper dollars and use credit cards than it is to mail tiny $80 coins. People would redeem en masse only if they feared the government would not be able control itself, for which the only solution is for the government to control itself. Beyond full backing, alternate paths to gold backing might involve gold-con- vertible Treasury instruments29 or allowing a parallel gold standard to operate temporarily alongside the current fiat dollar.30 These could ease adoption while minimizing disruption, but they should be temporary so that we can quickly enjoy the benefits of gold’s ability to police government spending. In addition, Congress could simply allow individuals to use commodity-backed money without fully replacing the current system. Among downsides to a commodity standard, there is no guarantee that the gov- ernment will stick to the price peg. Also, allowing a commodity standard to operate along with a fiat dollar opens both up for a speculative attack. Another downside is that even under a commodity standard, the Federal Reserve can still influence the economy via interest rate or other interventions. Therefore, at best, a commodity standard is not a full solution to returning to free banking. We have good reasons to worry that central banks and the gold standard are fundamentally incompati- ble—as the disastrous experience of the Western nations on their “managed gold standards” between World War I and World War II showed. K-Percent Rule. Under this rule, proposed by Milton Friedman in 1960,31 the Federal Reserve would create money at a fixed rate—say 3 percent per year. By offering the inflation benefits of gold without the potential disruption to the finan- cial system, a K-Percent Rule could be a more politically viable alternative to gold. The principal flaw is that unlike commodities, a K-Percent Rule is not fixed by physical costs: It could change according to political pressures or random economic fluctuations. Importantly, financial innovation could destabilize the market’s demand for liquidity, as happened with changes in consumer credit pat- terns in the 1970s. When this happens, a given K-Percent Rule that previously delivered stability could become destabilizing. In addition, monetary policy when

Introduction

Moderate61.2%
Pages: 770-772

— 737 — Federal Reserve by ensuring that cash earns a positive (inflation-adjusted) rate of return, it can pre- vent households and businesses from holding inefficiently small money balances. Further benefits of free banking include dramatic reduction of economic cycles, an end to indirect financing of federal spending, removal of the “lender of last resort” permanent bailout function of central banks, and promotion of currency competition.26 This allows Americans many more ways to protect their savings. Because free banking implies that financial services and banking would be gov- erned by general business laws against, for example, fraud or misrepresentation, crony regulatory burdens that hurt customers would be dramatically eased, and innovation would be encouraged. Potential downsides of free banking stem from its greatest benefit: It has mas- sive political hurdles to clear. Economic theory predicts and economic history confirms that free banking is both stable and productive, but it is radically different from the system we have now. Transitioning to free banking would require polit- ical authorities, including Congress and the President, to coordinate on multiple reforms simultaneously. Getting any of them wrong could imbalance an otherwise functional system. Ironically, it is the very strength of a true free banking system that makes transitioning to one so difficult. Commodity-Backed Money. For most of U.S. history, the dollar was defined in terms of both gold and silver. The problem was that when the legal price differed from the market price, the artificially undervalued currency would disappear from circulation. There were times, for instance, when this mechanism put the U.S. on a de facto silver standard. However, as a result, inflation was limited. Given this track record, restoring a gold standard retains some appeal among monetary reformers who do not wish to go so far as abolishing the Federal Reserve. Both the 2012 and 2016 GOP platforms urged the establishment of a commis- sion to consider the feasibility of a return to the gold standard,27 and in October 2022, Representative Alexander Mooney (R–WV) introduced a bill to restore the gold standard.28 In economic effect, commodity-backing the dollar differs from free banking in that the government (via the Fed) maintains both regulatory and bailout functions. However, manipulation of money and credit is limited because new dollars are not costless to the federal government: They must be backed by some hard asset like gold. Compared to free banking, then, the benefits of commodity-backed money are reduced, but transition disruptions are also smaller. The process of commodity backing is very straightforward: Treasury could set the price of a dollar at today’s market price of $2,000 per ounce of gold. This means that each Federal Reserve note could be redeemed at the Federal Reserve and exchanged for 1/2000 ounce of gold—about $80, for example, for a gold coin the weight of a dime. Private bank liabilities would be redeemable upon their issuers. Banks could send those traded-in dollars to the Treasury for gold to replenish their

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.

Full Policy Text

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