The bill
American Franchise Act
HR. 5267, 119th Congress — read as touching Labor Unions.
Sponsored by
Rep. Hern, Kevin [R-OK-1]
ID: H001082
Follow the money
The bill
HR. 5267, 119th Congress — read as touching Labor Unions.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
30 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "Department of Labor and Related Agencies" section, p. 624-626 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Placed on the Union Calendar, Calendar No. 702.
September 7, 2026
📍 Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
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4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
**American Franchise Act (HR 5267): A Legislative Band-Aid for a Symptom Nobody Wants to Cure**
**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The stated goal of HR 5267 is to “preserve the franchise business model”—a noble-sounding phrase that translates, in plain English, to: *Let franchisors keep squeezing franchisees and workers without fear of being held legally responsible for the consequences.* The bill’s real objective is to immunize franchisors from joint-employer liability under the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA), thereby shielding them from accountability for labor violations committed by their franchisees—while still allowing them to exert total control over branding, pricing, and operational standards. It’s legislative cosplay: pretending franchisees are independent small business owners while treating them like indentured servants in a tightly controlled corporate franchise.
**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill amends the NLRA by adding a new Section 20 that defines “direct and immediate control” as the *only* standard for joint-employer status. Crucially, it carves out exceptions: a franchisor does **not** exercise direct and immediate control if it merely permits franchisees to *participate* in its benefits plans (e.g., health insurance) under an “arm’s-length contract.” This is a loophole big enough to drive a franchise truck through. It allows franchisors to offer the *illusion* of independence—“You pick your own health plan!”—while still dictating wages, hours, scheduling, training, and performance metrics through franchise agreements, operational manuals, and audit rights. In essence, the bill redefines joint employment to require franchisors to literally hand out paychecks and time cards before they can be held liable—ignoring the economic reality that franchisors control nearly every lever of the business except the actual act of writing a paycheck.
**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** - **Franchisors (Winners):** Fast food giants, hotel chains, and retail franchisors gain legal cover to avoid liability for wage theft, overtime violations, unsafe working conditions, and union suppression at franchise locations. They can keep profiting from brand uniformity while offloading labor risk and costs onto franchisees. - **Franchisees (Losers):** Already bearing the financial burden of royalties, fees, and strict compliance, they now face even greater exposure as the *sole* legal employer—left holding the bag when labor laws are violated, even if they’re following franchisor-mandated procedures. - **Workers (Biggest Losers):** Denied a clear path to hold the true economic power holder (the franchisor) accountable for labor violations. Their ability to organize, bargain collectively, or seek redress for wage theft is undermined by a legal fiction that pretends McDonald’s Corp. has no say in how much a McDonald’s worker gets paid. - **Taxpayers & Public (Indirect Losers):** When franchisees go bankrupt or workers turn to public assistance due to low wages, the public bears the cost—while franchisors keep profits offshore and executives collect bonuses.
**Potential Impact & Implications:** This bill isn’t about preserving small business—it’s about entrenching corporate control under the guise of entrepreneurship. By narrowing joint-employer liability to near-meaninglessness, Congress is effectively deregulating labor standards in one of the fastest-growing sectors of the low-wage economy. The result? More wage suppression, fewer unionization efforts, and greater precarity for millions of workers—all while franchisors celebrate another victory in their long campaign to have their cake (control) and eat it too (avoid liability). If passed, the American Franchise Act won’t preserve the franchise model—it will expose it for what it really is: a sophisticated legal structure designed to maximize profit and minimize responsibility, all while waving the flag of small-business patriotism. In other words: business as usual, now with congressional approval.
Rep. Hern, Kevin [R-OK-1]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
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This bill has 10 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.
ID: D000230
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ID: V000134
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ID: E000246
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ID: C001059
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ID: M001224
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Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Showing 62 nodes and 67 connections
Total contributions: $67
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Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 helped, 1 harmed.
Section 3 clarifies joint employment for franchising, potentially limiting labor unions' ability to organize franchise employees, as it narrows the definition of joint employer under the National Labor Relations Act.
Section 2 findings (4) mentions the economic output of franchise establishments, which could include retail franchises, potentially benefiting the big-box retail industry.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
AI Analysis:
"The American Franchise Act directly amends the NLRA to establish a 'direct and immediate control' standard for joint employer liability, which mirrors Project 2025's call to return to that long‑standing definition and protect the franchise business model."
— 591 — Department of Labor and Related Agencies qualify as an independent contractor or employee under the FLSA and NLRA. The Biden Administration is replacing those rules with vague and expansive definitions that would add uncertainty, increase costs, and reduce options for Americans who want to work independently. l NLRB and DOL should return to their 2019 and 2021 independent contractor rules that provided much-needed clarity for workers and employers. l Congress should establish a bright-line test—based on the level of control an individual exercises over his or her work—to determine whether a payee is an employee or an independent contractor, across all relevant laws. This would prevent continued uncertainty as well as provide continuity across federal laws. l Congress should provide a safe harbor from employer-employee status for companies that offer independent workers access to earned benefits. Doing so would increase access among independent contractors to traditional pooled workplace benefits such as health care and retirement savings accounts. Protect Small Businesses and Entrepreneurship (Joint Employer). Millions of busi- nesses across America engage in mutually beneficial affiliation arrangements with other businesses. These arrangements include janitorial services, staffing firms, construction contractors and subcontractors, technology support services, and many other vendor and contracting services. They also include the nearly 775,000 independently owned franchise businesses, which employ 8.2 million workers across the United States. The franchise structure offers a proven business model for individuals who want to own and operate their own small business. An Obama-era regulation changed the definition of a joint employer to make corporate franchi- sors jointly liable for employees of individual franchisee owners, even without the franchisor exercising any direct control over those employees. The Biden Admin- istration is advancing an even more expansive definition of a joint employer that would upend the franchise business model, taking away ownership and income opportunities from small-business entrepreneurs, costing jobs, and raising prices. l DOL and NLRB should return to the long-standing approach to defining joint employers based on direct and immediate control. l Congress should enact the Save Local Business Act, which would codify the long-standing definition that has existed outside the Obama-era and Biden-proposed rules.
AI Analysis:
"The American Franchise Act directly implements Project 2025's joint employer policy by amending the NLRA to define joint employment based on 'direct and immediate control' over essential employment terms, thereby protecting franchisors from liability and preserving the franchise business model as advocated in the policy."
— 591 — Department of Labor and Related Agencies qualify as an independent contractor or employee under the FLSA and NLRA. The Biden Administration is replacing those rules with vague and expansive definitions that would add uncertainty, increase costs, and reduce options for Americans who want to work independently. l NLRB and DOL should return to their 2019 and 2021 independent contractor rules that provided much-needed clarity for workers and employers. l Congress should establish a bright-line test—based on the level of control an individual exercises over his or her work—to determine whether a payee is an employee or an independent contractor, across all relevant laws. This would prevent continued uncertainty as well as provide continuity across federal laws. l Congress should provide a safe harbor from employer-employee status for companies that offer independent workers access to earned benefits. Doing so would increase access among independent contractors to traditional pooled workplace benefits such as health care and retirement savings accounts. Protect Small Businesses and Entrepreneurship (Joint Employer). Millions of busi- nesses across America engage in mutually beneficial affiliation arrangements with other businesses. These arrangements include janitorial services, staffing firms, construction contractors and subcontractors, technology support services, and many other vendor and contracting services. They also include the nearly 775,000 independently owned franchise businesses, which employ 8.2 million workers across the United States. The franchise structure offers a proven business model for individuals who want to own and operate their own small business. An Obama-era regulation changed the definition of a joint employer to make corporate franchi- sors jointly liable for employees of individual franchisee owners, even without the franchisor exercising any direct control over those employees. The Biden Admin- istration is advancing an even more expansive definition of a joint employer that would upend the franchise business model, taking away ownership and income opportunities from small-business entrepreneurs, costing jobs, and raising prices. l DOL and NLRB should return to the long-standing approach to defining joint employers based on direct and immediate control. l Congress should enact the Save Local Business Act, which would codify the long-standing definition that has existed outside the Obama-era and Biden-proposed rules. — 592 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Overtime Pay Threshold. Overtime pay is one of the most challenging aspects of the Fair Labor Standards Act rules. “Nonexempt workers” (e.g., workers whose job duties fall within the law’s power or whose total pay is low enough) must be paid overtime (150 percent of the “regular rate”) for every hour over 40 in a work- week. Overtime requirements may discourage employers from offering certain fringe benefits such as reimbursement for education, childcare, or even free meals because the benefits’ value may be included in the “regular rate” that must be paid at 150 percent for all overtime hours. And because some of these fringe ben- efits may be more valuable (and often come with tax preferences that benefit the worker), the goal should be to set a threshold to ensure lower-income workers have the protections of overtime pay without discouraging employers from offering these benefits. l DOL should maintain an overtime threshold that does not punish businesses in lower-cost regions (e.g., the southeast United States). The Trump-era threshold is high enough to capture most line workers in lower-cost regions. One possibility to consider (likely requiring congressional action) would be to automatically update the thresholds every five years using the Personal Consumption Expenditures (PCE) as an inflation adjustment. This could reduce the likelihood of a future Administration attempting to make significant changes but would also impose more adjustments on businesses as those automatic increases take hold. l Congress should clarify that the “regular rate” for overtime pay is based on the salary paid rather than all benefits provided. This would enable employers to offer additional benefits to employees without fear that those benefits would dramatically increase overtime pay. l Congress should provide flexibility to employers and employees to calculate the overtime period over a longer number of weeks. Specifically, employers and employees should be able to set a two- or four- week period over which to calculate overtime. This would give workers greater flexibility to work more hours in one week and fewer hours in the next and would not require the employer to pay them more for that same total number of hours of work during the entire period. Compliance-Assistance Programming. Labor agencies are often tempted to encourage “over compliance” by companies subject to regulation by pursuing “regulation through enforcement” strategies. Rather than giving regulated enti- ties clear boundaries for what they can and cannot do under the law, the agencies
AI Analysis:
"The American Franchise Act aligns with Project 2025's goal of reversing expansive NLRB interpretations of joint employment and protected concerted activity by limiting franchisor liability under the NLRA, reflecting a shared objective to curb what conservatives view as overreach in labor law enforcement."
— 601 — Department of Labor and Related Agencies The NLRB has issued extreme interpretations of these activities, such as deter- mining that a business’s requiring its employees to be courteous to customers and one another is an unlawful infringement on the free speech rights implicit in the protected concerted activity protections in the NLRA. l Reverse unreasonable interpretations of “protected concerted activity.” The NLRB should return to the 2019 Alstate Maintenance interpretation of what does and does not constitute protected concerted activity, including listing eight instances of lawful actions by employers. Injunctive Relief and Worker Organizing Activities. Within the confines of the more reasonable definition of protected concerted activity described above, the NLRB should increase its pursuit of reinstatement injunctions. Firing work- ers engaged in concerted activity has an immediate chilling effect on organizing, but remedies under the NLRA typically come only much later and amount only to backpay. In NLRA section 10(j), Congress empowered the NLRB to obtain temporary injunctions that immediately reinstate workers to their jobs in these circumstances. This provides a more meaningful remedy to the worker and creates a significant deterrent to unfair labor practices, because prompt reinstatement will tend to reinforce the legitimacy of the organizing effort. The NLRB overwhelmingly prevails when pursuing an injunction, succeeding 100 percent of the time in 2020 and 91 percent of the time in 2021. l Increase the use of 10(j) injunctive relief. The NLRB should increase its use of 10(j) and should articulate guidelines for situations in which it intends to seek injunctive relief; the board should delegate authority to pursue such injunctions to the general counsel and the general counsel should establish a policy of considering them expeditiously in all retaliation cases identified by regional offices. Dues-Funded Worker Centers. Under current law, both labor unions and unionized employers must file financial disclosures with DOL on an annual basis to ward off potential fraud and corruption of the sort that has been seen recently within the United Automobile, Aerospace and Agricultural Implement Workers of America (UAW). However, worker centers, which have grown in number and influ- ence enormously over the past decade, are not required to file these disclosures. l Investigate worker centers and require financial disclosures. DOL should investigate worker centers that look and act like unions and bring enforcement actions to require them to file the same financial disclosures. — 602 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Office of Labor-Management Standards Initiative. Currently, the Office of Labor-Management Standards (OLMS) may investigate potential employer mal- feasance with regard to union funds in the absence of any complaint by a worker or union but may not do the same with regard to potential union malfeasance. If OLMS has evidence that a union may be violating the law based on information available to the agency (such as annual financial disclosure reports, information developed during an audit of a union’s books and records, or information obtained from other government agencies) it should be permitted to open an investigation. It should have the same enforcement tools available for both employers and unions. l Revise investigation standards. The Office of Labor-Management Standards should revise its investigation standards to authorize investigations without receiving a formal complaint. Persuader Rule. During the Obama Administration, DOL created significant regulatory burdens for employers with respect to the advice that employers receive about union activity. As a general matter, employers who hire lawyers or other con- sultants to advise employees about union issues must file disclosure forms with the department, as must the lawyers and consultants themselves. Prior to the Obama Administration, advice provided solely to the employer required no disclosure. The Obama Administration attempted to eliminate this “advice exemption” with a directive known as the “persuader rule,” which was successfully challenged in court. In 2018, the Trump Administration formally rescinded the persuader rule. l DOL should rescind the persuader rule once again should the Biden Administration revive it. Unionizing the Workplace: Card Check vs. Secret Ballot. Under the NLRA, instead of having a secret ballot election about the decision to unionize a workplace, a union may instead collect signed pro-union cards from a majority of the employees it wishes to represent and then ask the employer and National Labor Relations Board for voluntary union recognition. That request gives the employer the option to hold a secret-ballot election or to recognize the union with- out any such election. This “card check” procedure is likely to induce employees to provide their signed cards in ways that do not accurately reflect their true pref- erences—ranging from a desire not to offend the signature requestor to a wish to avoid intimidation and coercion to signing based on false information provided by union organizers. In short, the card check procedure sidesteps many aspects of democratic decision-making that free and fair elections conducted by secret ballot are supposed to accomplish. Notably, the general counsel of the National Labor Relations Board has recently proposed an esoteric legal theory that card-check
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.