EXPERTS Act of 2025

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Bill ID: 119/hr/6145
Last Updated: November 19, 2025

Sponsored by

Rep. Jayapal, Pramila [D-WA-7]

ID: J000298

Follow the money

The bill

EXPERTS Act of 2025

HR. 6145, 119th Congress — read as touching Pharmaceuticals.

The sponsor

Rep. Jayapal, Pramila [D-WA-7]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$130,260 raised

30 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

70% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Environmental Protection Agency" section, p. 470-472 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

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Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

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Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

✅

Passed Senate

🏛️

House Review

🎉

Passed Congress

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Presidential Action

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Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

(sigh) Oh joy, another "reform" bill from the geniuses in Congress. Let's dissect this mess.

The EXPERTS Act of 2025 is a laughable attempt to address conflicts of interest in rulemaking. It's like trying to cure cancer with a Band-Aid. The bill requires disclosure of conflicts of interest, but only for submissions that include scientific, economic, or technical studies. How quaint.

New regulations being created or modified: Section 4 amends the Administrative Procedure Act (APA) to require interested persons to disclose funding sources and financial relationships when submitting studies or research related to proposed rules. Wow, what a bold move. It's not like industries have been gaming the system for decades by funding "independent" research that just so happens to support their interests.

Affected industries and sectors: Any industry that lobbies heavily in Washington will be impacted, but let's be real, they'll find ways to exploit this toothless legislation. The bill is too narrow in scope, only applying to submissions that include scientific, economic, or technical studies. What about all the other ways industries influence rulemaking?

Compliance requirements and timelines: There are no meaningful compliance requirements or timelines. Interested persons must disclose funding sources and financial relationships, but there's no penalty for non-compliance. It's like asking a toddler to promise not to touch the cookies.

Enforcement mechanisms and penalties: Ha! Don't make me laugh. The bill relies on agencies to police themselves, which is like trusting a fox to guard the henhouse. There are no meaningful enforcement mechanisms or penalties for non-compliance.

Economic and operational impacts: This bill will have zero impact on the revolving door between industries and government agencies. It won't stop industries from funding "research" that supports their interests. It's just a PR stunt to make Congress look like they're doing something about corruption.

In conclusion, this bill is a joke. It's a Band-Aid on a bullet wound. The real disease is the corrupting influence of money in politics, and this bill doesn't even scratch the surface. (shakes head) Next patient, please.

Related Topics

Research & Innovation PolicyWater & Air Quality RegulationsFederal Budget & Appropriations
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Jayapal, Pramila [D-WA-7]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$130,260
22 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$49,100
Committees
$0
Individuals
$81,160

No PAC contributions found

1
FEDERATED INDIANS OF GRATON RANCHERIA
2 transactions
$9,900
2
CHEROKEE NATION
2 transactions
$6,600
3
SNOQUALMIE TRIBE
2 transactions
$6,600
4
MUCKLESHOOT INDIAN TRIBE
2 transactions
$6,600
5
THE TULALIP TRIBES OF WASHINGTON
2 transactions
$6,600
6
PUYALLUP TRIBE OF INDIANS
3 transactions
$6,600
7
SUQUAMISH INDIAN TRIBE
1 transaction
$3,200
8
SAMISH TYEE
2 transactions
$2,000
9
MOHEGAN TRIBE OF INDIANS OF CONNECTICUT
1 transaction
$1,000

No committee contributions found

1
LIEBMAN, REBECCA
1 transaction
$6,660
2
HANAUER, LESLIE
1 transaction
$6,600
3
HANAUER, NICOLAS J.
1 transaction
$6,600
4
MEYER, PAULETTE
1 transaction
$6,600
5
MCCAW, NELL E
1 transaction
$6,600
6
PRESTON, ALAN
1 transaction
$6,600
7
SHER, ABBY
1 transaction
$6,300
8
FERGUSON, ELLEN L.
1 transaction
$6,000
9
LAVERY, LIAM
1 transaction
$6,000
10
CLOSE, GRACIE
1 transaction
$5,800
11
GOLDEN, BRUCE
1 transaction
$5,800
12
HAYS, LYNN
1 transaction
$5,800
13
JURVETSON, KARLA
1 transaction
$5,800

Donor Network - Rep. Jayapal, Pramila [D-WA-7]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

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Showing 57 nodes and 30 connections (82 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $130,260

Top Donors - Rep. Jayapal, Pramila [D-WA-7]

Showing top 22 donors by contribution amount

9 Orgs13 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 4 harmed.

  • −Pharmaceuticalsconfidence 0.80

    Section 9(b)(1) requires agencies to prioritize adoption of rules that provide benefits to the public, including nonquantifiable benefits, which could disadvantage pharmaceutical companies if rules increase regulatory burdens or reduce profitability. Section 9(b)(2) requires consideration of distributional effects and social equity impact, which could lead to rules that limit drug pricing or increase access requirements, negatively impacting pharmaceutical revenues.

  • Section 9(b)(1) and (b)(2) require agencies to prioritize public benefits and consider distributional effects and social equity impact in rulemaking. This could lead to regulations that increase compliance costs, limit reimbursement, or impose additional reporting requirements on hospitals and health systems, potentially reducing their profitability or increasing operational burdens.

  • −Health Insuranceconfidence 0.70

    Section 9(b)(1) and (b)(2) require agencies to prioritize public benefits and consider distributional effects and social equity impact. This could result in rules that increase regulatory oversight of health insurers, limit premium increases, or expand coverage requirements, thereby reducing profitability or increasing costs for health insurance companies.

  • Section 9(b)(1) and (b)(2) require agencies to prioritize public benefits and consider distributional effects and social equity impact. This could lead to rules that increase staffing requirements, limit reimbursement rates, or impose additional quality reporting on long-term care facilities, increasing costs and reducing profitability for operators in this sector.

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Jayapal, Pramila [D-WA-7])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HARMS

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Environmental Protection Agency

Moderate
Vector: 64%
Pages: 470-472AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"Both the EXPERTS Act and the Project 2025 EPA reforms aim to increase transparency and reduce undue influence in agency scientific decision‑making, though the bill focuses on comment disclosures while the policy targets broader EPA advisory body and science program reforms."

Key themes:transparencyconflict of interest disclosurescientific integrityadvisory body independencepublic scrutiny

— 437 — Environmental Protection Agency l Suspend and review the activities of EPA advisory bodies, many of which have not been authorized by Congress or lack independence, balance, and geographic and viewpoint diversity. l Retract delegations for key science and risk-assessment decisions from Assistant Administrators, regional offices, and career officials. l Eliminate the use of Title 42 hiring authority that allows ORD to spend millions in taxpayer dollars for salaries of certain employees above the civil service scale. l Announce plans to streamline and reform EPA’s poorly coordinated and managed laboratory structure. Budget: Back-to-Basics Rejection of Unauthorized or Expired Science Activities A top priority should be the immediate and consistent rejection of all EPA ORD and science activities that have not been authorized by Congress. In FY 2022, according to EPA’s opaque budgeting efforts, science and technology activ- ities totaled nearly $730 million. EPA’s FY 2023 budget request for the Office of Research and Development seeks funds for more than 1,850 employees—a dramatic increase for what is already the largest EPA office with well above 10 percent of the agency’s workforce.44 ORD conducts a wide-ranging series of science and peer review activities, some in support of regulatory programs established by our envi- ronmental laws, but often lacks authority for these specific endeavors. Several ORD offices and programs, many of which constitute unaccountable efforts to use scientific determinations to drive regulatory, enforcement, and legal decisions, should be eliminated. The Integrated Risk Information System, for example, was ostensibly designed by EPA to evaluate hazard and dose-response for certain chemicals. Despite operating since the 1980s, the program has never been authorized by Congress and often sets “safe levels” based on questionable science and below background levels, resulting in billions in economic costs. The program has been criticized by a wide variety of stakeholders: states; Congress; the National Academies of Science, Engineering, and Medicine (NASEM); and the U.S. Govern- ment Accountability Office (GAO), among others. EPA has failed to implement meaningful reforms, and this unaccountable program threatens key regulatory processes as well as the integrity of Clean Air Act and TSCA implementation. Needed EPA Advisory Body Reforms EPA currently operates 21 federal advisory committees.45 These committees often play an outsized role in determining agency scientific and regulatory policy, — 438 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise and their membership has too often been handpicked to achieve certain politi- cal positions. In the Biden Administration, key EPA advisory committees were purged of balanced perspectives, geographic diversity, important regulatory and private-sector experience, and state, local, and tribal expertise. Contrary to con- gressional directives and recommendations from the GAO and intergovernmental associations, these moves eviscerated historic levels of participation on key com- mittees by state, local, and tribal members from 2017 to 2020. As a result, a variety of EPA regulations lack relevant scientific perspectives, increasing the risks of economic fallout and a failure of cooperative federalism. EPA also has repeatedly disregarded legal requirements regarding the role of these advisory committees and the scope of scientific advice on key regulations.46 Needed Science Policy Reforms Instead of allowing these efforts to be misused for scaremongering risk com- munications and enforcement activities, EPA should embrace so-called citizen science and deputize the public to subject the agency’s science to greater scrutiny, especially in areas of data analysis, identification of scientific flaws, and research misconduct. In addition, EPA should: l Shift responsibility for evaluating misconduct away from its Office of Scientific Integrity, which has been overseen by environmental activists, and toward an independent body. l Work (including with Congress) to provide incentives similar to those under the False Claims Act47 for the public to identify scientific flaws and research misconduct, thereby saving taxpayers from having to bear the costs involved in expending unnecessary resources. l Avoid proprietary, black box models for key regulations. Nearly all major EPA regulations are based on nontransparent models for which the public lacks access or for which significant costs prevent the public from understanding agency analysis. l Reject precautionary default models and uncertainty factors. In the face of uncertainty around associations between certain pollutants and health or welfare endpoints, EPA’s heavy reliance on default assumptions like its low-dose, linear non-threshold model bake orders of magnitude of risk into key regulatory inputs and drive flawed and opaque decisions. Given the disproportionate economic impacts of top-down solutions, EPA should implement an approach that defaults to less restrictive regulatory outcomes.

Department of Housing and Urban Development

Moderate
Vector: 63%
Pages: 548-550AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The EXPERTS Act promotes transparency and conflict‑of‑interest disclosure in federal rulemaking, which aligns with Project 2025’s HUD goals of reducing arbitrary biases, improving integrity in appraisal and regulatory processes, and streamlining administrative reforms. While not housing‑specific, the bill’s mechanisms could support those objectives."

Key themes:transparency in rulemakingconflict of interest disclosurereducing arbitrary biasregulatory integrityadministrative reform

— 515 — Department of Housing and Urban Development 25. Process must prioritize where political leadership can implement administrative reforms through regulatory action and subregulatory guidance reforms. 26. China and other foreign nations should not be able to disrupt our nation’s housing markets, including by artificially driving up prices and reducing affordability and access to housing for Americans who are crowded out of the market by such market participation. 27. These initiatives are maintained under such designations as diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI); critical race theory (CRT); black, indigenous, Pacific Islander, and other people of color (BIPOC); and environmental, social, and governance (ESG). 28. At a minimum, these efforts duplicate what the federal government already collects and assesses; at worst, they institute arbitrary procedures in real estate appraisal practices that undermine integrity and perversely introduce arbitrary biases into what should be an unbiased system for determining financial value. 29. Revise regulatory and subregulatory guidance, where applicable within statutory authorities, that adds unnecessary delay and costs to the construction and development of new housing and has been estimated to account for about 40 percent of new housing unit costs in multifamily housing. 30. The Biden Administration has issued a proposed rule to replace the Trump Administration’s “Preserving Community and Neighborhood Choice” rule that had repealed earlier rules expanding AFFH enforcement. See U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, Office of Fair Housing, “Preserving Community and Neighborhood Choice,” Final Rule, Federal Register, Vol. 85, No. 153 (August 7, 2020), pp. 47899–47912, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/FR-2020-08-07/pdf/2020-16320.pdf (accessed March 5, 2023), and U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, Office of the Secretary, “Affirmatively Furthering Fair Housing,” Proposed Rule, Federal Register, Vol. 88, No. 27 (February 9, 2023), pp. 8516–8590, https://www. govinfo.gov/content/pkg/FR-2015-07-16/pdf/2015-17032.pdf (accessed March 5, 2023). 31. Certain pilot initiatives may encourage greater take-up of loan products designed for faster equity accumulation, including loans with shorter terms and accelerated amortization schedules. In concept, the FHA’s Home Equity Accelerator Loan (HEAL) and Good Neighbor Next Door (GNND) pilot initiatives might lead to meaningful wealth generation for first-time buyers, but they should be available to all eligible households only when they do not arbitrarily discriminate based on race or other characteristics. 32. Housing supply does remain a problem in the U.S., but constructing more units at the low end of the market will not solve the problem. Investors and developers can deliver at more efficient cost new units that will allow for greater upward mobility of rental and ownership housing stock and better target increased construction of mid-tier rental units. Further, and more fundamental to the housing supply challenge in markets across the U.S., localities can consider revising land use, zoning, and building regulations that constrict new housing development, adding time delays and costs that impede construction. Federal housing policy should get out of the way where possible and minimize the distortive impact that stimulating greater demand through loose lending can have in driving up housing prices for households that are looking for affordable entry into the housing market. 33. U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, Office of the Secretary, “Housing and Community Development Act of 1980: Verification of Eligible Status,” Proposed Rule, Federal Register, Vol. 84, No. 91 (May 10, 2019), pp. 20589–20595, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/FR-2019-05-10/pdf/2019-09566.pdf (accessed March 5, 2023). 34. Reforms should contemplate rent payment flexibilities, allow escrow savings, and set maximum term limits that can reduce implicit penalties for increasing household incomes over eligibility terms for housing assistance and reweight waiting-list prioritization for two-parent households. 35. Some PHAs have been able to implement work requirements and term limit policies in various congressionally authorized demonstration programs, notably the Moving to Work (MTW) demonstration program established in 1996 for 39 PHAs (Congress has since authorized another 100 PHAs) in which participating MTW PHAs were given authority to implement rent reforms, work requirements and other experimental policies in rental assistance programs along with flexibilities in the use of capital and operating appropriations. 36. The FSS program has a general five-year term with a possible two-year extension, which could be applied at the term limit for overall benefits, and certain PHAs have imposed five-year to seven-year term limits. Families in these programs build escrow savings during their term eligibility that helps to facilitate successful transitions to family self-sufficiency and unassisted housing.

Department of Education

Weak
Vector: 63%
Pages: 392-394AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The EXPERTS Act focuses on general transparency in federal rulemaking by requiring conflict-of-interest disclosures, which tangentially supports the Project 2025 Education goal of increased accountability but does not directly address any of the specific Education policies such as reports on school safety, civics, accreditor antitrust, or budget cuts."

Key themes:transparencyaccountabilityrulemakingfederal oversight

— 359 — Department of Education l The reissuing of the report on school safety from 2018 with updated information, l The release of a report to Congress on how to consolidate the department and trim nonessential employees, l A report on the negative influence of action civics on students’ understanding of history and civics and their disposition toward the United States, l An update of the Coleman report to show the impact of family structure on student achievement, l A full accounting of CARES Act education expenditures, and l A report on how many dollars make their way to the classroom in every federal education grant and program. Pursue Antitrust Against Accreditors l The President should issue an executive order pursuing antitrust against college accreditors, especially the American Bar Association (ABA). NEW POLICIES/REGULATIONS THAT REQUIRE COORDINATION WITH OTHER AGENCIES AND/OR THE WHITE HOUSE The department must coordinate any rulemaking with the White House, the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), DOJ, and other agencies that share responsibility with the department in the administration or enforcement of stat- ute, such as Titles VI and IX. Moreover, regarding regulations arising under civil rights laws administered by the department, Executive Order 12550 requires the Attorney General to approve final regulations; the Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights must approve notices of proposed rulemaking. Organizational Issues Historical Budget Information. Congressional appropriations for the U.S. Department of Education have risen from $14 billion in 1980 to $95.5 billion in 2021, an astounding increase, especially in light of the lack of improvements in student outcomes. Recommend Budget Cuts, Shifts, and Augmentations, If Any. Transferring most of the programs at the U.S. Department of Education to other agencies and eliminating duplicative and ineffective programs would yield significant taxpayer — 360 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise CHART 4 U.S. Department of Education, Total Appropriations IN BILLIONS OF DOLLARS $120 $100 $95.5 $80 $60 $40 $20 $14 $0 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2020 NOTE: Totals include mandatory and discretionary appropriations. SOURCE: U.S. Department of Education, “Budget History Tables,” Education Department Budget History Table, https://www2.ed.gov/about/overview/budget/history/index.html (accessed March 17, 2023). A heritage.org savings. The proposal would immediately save more than $17 billion annually in various programs. Savings over a decade would be far more robust, as the revenue responsibility for many formula grant programs would be returned to the states. Some highlights include: l Eliminate competitive grant programs and reduce spending on formula grant programs. Competitive grant programs operated by the Department of Education should be eliminated, and federal spending should be reduced to reflect remaining formula grant programs authorized under Title I of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) and the handful of other programs that do not fall under the competitive/ project grant category. Remaining programs managed by the Department

Showing 3 of 5 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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