Farm, Food, and National Security Act of 2026

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Bill ID: 119/hr/7567
Last Updated: March 28, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Thompson, Glenn [R-PA-15]

ID: T000467

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Ordered to be Reported (Amended) by the Yeas and Nays: 34 - 17.

March 5, 2026

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

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Committee Review

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Floor Action

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Passed House

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Senate Review

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Passed Congress

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Presidential Action

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Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the 119th Congress. Let's dissect this monstrosity, shall we?

**Total Funding Amounts and Budget Allocations**

The Farm, Food, and National Security Act of 2026 is a $1.3 trillion behemoth, with allocations spread across various agencies and programs. The largest chunk goes to the Department of Agriculture ($723 billion), followed by the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) ($134 billion), and the Commodity Credit Corporation ($123 billion). Because what's a farm bill without some good ol' fashioned corporate welfare?

**Key Programs and Agencies Receiving Funds**

The usual suspects get their fair share:

* The Agricultural Act of 2014 gets reauthorized, because who needs actual reform when you can just reauthorize the same old programs? * The Conservation Reserve Program receives $26 billion, because we all know that paying farmers not to farm is a brilliant use of taxpayer dollars. * The Food for Peace Act gets an additional $1.5 billion, because nothing says "national security" like shipping American food to foreign countries.

**Notable Increases or Decreases from Previous Years**

The bill includes a 10% increase in funding for the Agricultural Research Service, because who doesn't love more research on crop yields and soil health? Meanwhile, the Rural Business-Cooperative Service gets a 5% decrease, because rural America clearly doesn't need any more support.

**Riders or Policy Provisions Attached to Funding**

Oh boy, where do I even start?

* A rider requiring the Secretary of Agriculture to establish a "food waste reduction liaison" within 180 days. Because what's a farm bill without some bureaucratic busywork? * An amendment allowing states to use SNAP funds for online purchasing, because who needs actual grocery stores when you can just order food online? * A provision reauthorizing the Gus Schumacher nutrition incentive program, which is essentially a fancy way of saying "we're going to give people money to buy fruits and vegetables."

**Fiscal Impact and Deficit Implications**

This bill will increase the national debt by an estimated $150 billion over the next five years. But hey, who's counting? It's not like we have any actual fiscal responsibility in this country.

In conclusion, this bill is a masterclass in legislative sleight of hand. It's a Frankenstein's monster of pork barrel spending, bureaucratic waste, and policy riders that have nothing to do with actual farm policy. But hey, at least the agricultural lobby will be happy.

Related Topics

National Security & Intelligence Congressional Rules & Procedures Government Operations & Accountability Transportation & Infrastructure State & Local Government Affairs Civil Rights & Liberties Small Business & Entrepreneurship Criminal Justice & Law Enforcement Federal Budget & Appropriations
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đź’° Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Thompson, Glenn [R-PA-15]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$60,408
17 donors
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$0
Organizations
$59,878
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$0
Individuals
$0

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YOCHA DEHE WINTUN NATION
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ONEIDA NATION
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NEYERS VINEYARDS
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SOMO LLC
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Donor Network - Rep. Thompson, Glenn [R-PA-15]

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Total contributions: $60,408

Top Donors - Rep. Thompson, Glenn [R-PA-15]

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Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document. AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Introduction

Strong
Vector: 72%
Pages: 326-328 AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The Farm, Food, and National Security Act of 2026 aligns with Project 2025's policy objectives in addressing farm subsidies and the Commodity Credit Corporation (CCC) discretionary authority. However, it does not directly address the abuse of CCC discretionary authority or promote legislative fixes to address this issue."

Key themes: farm subsidies Commodity Credit Corporation (CCC) agricultural policy reform

— 294 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise to transforming the food system on its web site and other department-dis- seminated material, and it should expressly and regularly communicate the principles informing the objectives listed above, as well as promote these prin- ciples through legislative efforts. The USDA should also carefully review existing efforts that involve inappropriately imposing its preferred agricultural practices onto farmers. Address the Abuse of CCC Discretionary Authority. With the exception of federal crop insurance, the Commodity Credit Corporation (CCC) is generally the means by which agricultural-related farm bill programs are funded. The CCC is a funding mechanism, which, in simple terms, has $30 billion a year at its disposal.24 Section 5 of the Commodity Credit Corporation Charter Act (Charter Act)25 gives the Secretary of Agriculture broad discretionary authority to spend “unused” CCC money. However, in general, past Agriculture Secretaries have not used this power to any meaningful extent. This changed dramatically during the Trump Administration, when this discretionary authority was used to fund $28 billion in “trade aid” to farmers, consisting primarily of the Market Facilitation Program. In 2020, this authority was used for $20.5 billion in food purchases and income subsidies in response to the COVID-19 pandemic.26 At the time, critics warned that this use of the CCC, which in effect created a USDA slush fund, would lead future Administrations to abuse the CCC, such as by pushing climate-change policies.27 Predictably, this is precisely what the Biden Administration has done, using the discretionary authority to create programs out of whole cloth, arguably without statutory authority,28 for what it refers to as climate-smart agricultural practices.29 The merits of the various programs funded through the CCC discretionary authority is not the focus of this discussion. The major problem is that the Secre- tary of Agriculture is empowered to use a slush fund. Billions of dollars are being used for programs that Congress never envisioned or intended. Concern about this type of abuse is not new. In fact, from 2012 to 2017, Congress expressly limited the Agriculture Secretary’s discretionary spending authority under the Charter Act.30 And this was before the recent massive discretionary CCC spending occurred. The use of the discretionary power is a separation of powers problem, with Congress abrogating its spending power. This power is ripe for abuse—as could be expected with any slush fund—and it is a possible way to get around the farm bill process to achieve policy goals not secured during the legislative process. The next Administration should: l Refrain from using section 5 discretionary authority. The USDA can address this abuse on its own by following the lead of most Administrations and not using this discretionary authority. — 295 — Department of Agriculture l Promote legislative fixes to address abuse. Ideally, Congress would repeal the Secretary’s discretionary authority under section 5 of the Charter Act. There is no reason to maintain such authority. If Congress needs to spend money to assist farmers, it has legislative tools, including the farm bill and the annual appropriations process, to do so in a timely fashion. While not an ideal solution, Congress could also amend the Charter Act to require prior congressional approval through duly enacted legislation before any money is spent. At a minimum, Congress should amend the Charter Act to: l Limit spending to directly help farmers and ranchers address issues due to unforeseen events not already covered by existing programs and that constitute genuine emergencies that must be addressed immediately. l Prohibit the CCC from being used to assist parties beyond farmers and ranchers. l Clarify that spending is only to address problems that are temporary in nature and ensure that funding is targeted to address such problems. l Tighten the discretion within section 5 and identify ways for improper application of the Charter Act to be challenged in court. Reform Farm Subsidies. Too often, agricultural policy becomes synonymous with farm subsidy policy. This is unfortunate, because making them synony- mous fails to recognize that agricultural policy covers a wide range of issues, including issues that are outside the proper scope of the USDA, such as environ- mental regulation. However, there is no question that farm subsidies are an important issue within agricultural policy that should be addressed by any incoming Adminis- tration. There are several principles that even subsidy supporters would likely agree upon, including the need to reduce market distortions. Subsidies should not influence planting decisions, discourage proper risk management and innovation, incentivize planting on environmentally sensitive land, or create barriers to entry for new farmers. Farm subsidies can lead to these market distortions and there- fore, it would hardly be controversial to ensure that any subsidy scheme should be designed to avoid such problems. The overall goal should be to eliminate subsidy dependence. Despite what might be conventional wisdom, many farmers receive few to no subsidies,31 with most subsidies going to only a handful of commodities. According to the Congres- sional Research Service (CRS), from 2014 to 2016, 94 percent of farm program

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

Full Policy Text