The bill
Kayleigh’s Law Act of 2026
HR. 8481, 119th Congress — read as touching Private Prisons & Immigration Detention.
Sponsored by
Rep. Hamadeh, Abraham J. [R-AZ-8]
ID: H001098
Follow the money
The bill
HR. 8481, 119th Congress — read as touching Private Prisons & Immigration Detention.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
24 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "Department of Justice" section, p. 584-586 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Received in the Senate and Read twice and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.
September 13, 2026
📍 Current Status
Next: Both chambers must agree on the same version of the bill.
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
**HR 8481 – Kayleigh’s Law Act of 2026: A Legislative Tumor Disguised as Compassion**
**1. Main Purpose & Objectives** Officially, this bill aims to protect victims of violent and sexual crimes by mandating lifetime no-contact orders against convicted defendants—what it calls “natural lifetime injunctions.” Unofficially, it’s a feel-good bandage slapped onto a hemorrhaging justice system, designed to let politicians look tough on crime while ignoring the fact that our prisons are overcrowded, our courts are backlogged, and our victim support services are underfunded. The real objective? To generate headlines, appease outrage-driven voters, and give prosecutors another checkbox to tick during sentencing—because nothing says “justice served” like a piece of paper that costs nothing to issue and even less to enforce.
**2. Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law** This bill amends Title 18, U.S.C., Chapter 238, to create a new statutory remedy: automatic lifetime injunctions prohibiting any form of contact—direct, indirect, electronic, or via carrier pigeon, apparently—between a defendant convicted of a “covered offense” and a victim. Covered offenses include federal felonies involving violence or sexual conduct, plus a laundry list of sex trafficking and child exploitation statutes (sections 1591, 2241–2260, 2421–2425). The injunction is issued at sentencing, either on government motion (with victim consent) or victim motion, and lasts for the defendant’s natural life—unless terminated by victim motion (alleging pardon, commutation, or “change in circumstances”) or defendant motion (if conviction is overturned). No fees may be charged to victims. Crucially, the bill explicitly states it doesn’t limit state-level application—meaning it’s meant to coexist with, not replace, existing state protective orders. In other words: redundant, unenforceable, and legally noisy.
**3. Affected Parties & Stakeholders** - **Victims**: Supposed beneficiaries, but likely to receive false security. A lifetime injunction is useless if the defendant is indigent, homeless, or lives off-grid—and enforcement relies on victims reporting violations, which many won’t do due to fear, trauma, or distrust of the system. - **Defendants**: Gain a permanent, stigma-laden restriction that survives even rehabilitation, effectively extending punishment beyond incarceration. This raises serious Eighth Amendment and due process concerns—especially since the injunction can be triggered by victim motion alone, with low evidentiary thresholds for termination hearings. - **Prosecutors & Courts**: Get another tool to appear proactive, adding paperwork and hearings to an already strained system. Judges will now have to micro-manage lifelong bans on contact, including digital communication—good luck enforcing that against burner apps and dark web forums. - **Voters**: Fed a narcotic of moral superiority—“We did something!”—while the underlying rot of underfunded policing, broken parole systems, and inaccessible victim services goes untreated. - **Civil Liberties Advocates**: Should be alarmed. This creates a permanent, civil restriction tied to a criminal conviction, with minimal procedural safeguards. It’s preventive detention by another name—soft, creepy, and deeply illiberal.
**4. Potential Impact & Implications** This law will accomplish little beyond clogging courts with termination hearings and giving victims a false sense of permanence. Lifetime injunctions are nearly impossible to enforce meaningfully—how do you monitor indirect contact via encrypted apps or third parties? The real effect will be symbolic: a legislative placebo that lets Congress pretend it’s solving systemic failure with a signature. Worse, it risks creating a two-tiered justice system where punishment extends indefinitely based on victim preference, not judicial discretion or risk assessment. It’s not justice—it’s vengeance with a stamp of approval. And like most feel-good crime bills, it’ll be ignored until someone uses it to sue the government for failing to enforce a piece of paper that was never meant to work in the first place.
In short: Kayleigh’s Law is a malignant
Rep. Hamadeh, Abraham J. [R-AZ-8]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
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This bill has 10 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.
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Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 helped, 1 harmed.
Section 2(a) introduces natural lifetime injunctions for certain victims, which may reduce the number of offenders requiring incarceration, potentially decreasing demand for private prison services.
Section 2(a) and (b) provide a new tool for law enforcement to protect victims, which may increase the effectiveness of surveillance and monitoring technologies used by these agencies.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
AI Analysis:
"The bill's focus on issuing lifetime injunctions for violent and sexual offenders directly supports the Project 2025 DOJ goal of reducing violent crime, increasing accountability for violent criminals, and enhancing victim protections, aligning closely with the policy's emphasis on targeting violent crime and ensuring appropriate consequences for offenders."
— 552 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise The Director of the FBI must remain politically accountable to the President in the same manner as the head of any other federal department or agency. To ensure prompt political accountability and to rein in perceived or actual abuses, the next conservative Administration should seek a legislative change to align the FBI Director’s position with those of the heads of all other major departments and agencies. RENEWING THE DEPARTMENT’S FOCUS ON VIOLENT CRIME Despite the DOJ’s pronouncements that violent crime continues to be a top pri- ority, it has increased across the United States. The department’s leadership must make actually reducing violent crime a priority across the United States—and it must do so in partnership with state and local officials in a manner that is tailored to the needs and conditions in those states and localities. Targeting Violent and Career Criminals, Not Parents. The next conserva- tive Administration must ensure that the Department of Justice devotes significant effort to reducing violent crime nationwide. The Attorney General should require all U.S. Attorneys to develop a jurisdictional-specific plan—whenever possible in coordination with state and local law enforcement—to reduce violent crime within each of their districts. Then the Attorney General should hold each U.S. Attorney accountable for achieving actual results. In recent years, federal and state officials have succumbed to calls from anti–law enforcement advocates for so-called criminal justice reform. The pleas- ant-sounding terminology of reform masks the darker reality of this movement, which is one that has supported dismantling effective federal, state, and local law enforcement and stripped away some of the most fundamental tools that law enforcement has long had at its disposal. This campaign is not just ill-advised; it has clearly had real-world consequences in the form of catastrophic increases in crime—particularly violent crime—nationwide. As discussed in the next section, the Department of Justice has a special obligation to restore law and order in such districts.37 Juxtaposed against this increase in violent crime are things like Attorney Gen- eral Merrick Garland’s October 4, 2021, memorandum directing the commitment of significant resources and energies to combating imaginary, politically conve- nient threats of violence toward members of school boards and their staffs during the heat of the Virginia gubernatorial race.38 There was no similar effort to inves- tigate elected officials and other public officers who conspired with outside allies to target and harass parents who were merely exercising their constitutional and statutory rights.39 If we are to continue to have informed and civil dialogue in the United States on issues of public concern, the DOJ must enforce applicable civil rights laws in an even-handed way when citizens’ livelihoods are threatened merely because they have exercised their rights. — 553 — Department of Justice Enhancing the Federal Focus on and Resources in Jurisdictions with Rule-of-Law Deficiencies. A disturbing number of state and local jurisdictions have enacted policies that directly undermine public safety, leave doubt about whether criminals will be punished, and weaken the rule of law. While the prose- cution of criminal offenses in most jurisdictions across the country must remain the responsibility of state and local governments, the federal government owes a special responsibility to Americans in jurisdictions where state and local prose- cutors have abdicated this duty.40 Jurisdictions suffering from deficiencies in the rule of law warrant, as appropri- ate within our federal system, greater attention and additional federal resources that are sufficient to protect the rights of American citizens and federal interests. In the next conservative Administration, the DOJ, acting primarily through its U.S. Attorneys, should therefore: l Use applicable federal laws to bring federal charges against criminals when local jurisdictions wrongfully allow them to evade responsibility for their conduct.41 The department should also increase the federal law enforcement presence in such jurisdictions and explore innovative solutions to bring meaningful charges against criminals and criminal organizations in such jurisdictions. l Where warranted and proper under federal law, initiate legal action against local officials—including District Attorneys—who deny American citizens the “equal protection of the laws” by refusing to prosecute criminal offenses in their jurisdictions. This holds true particularly for jurisdictions that refuse to enforce the law against criminals based on the Left’s favored defining characteristics of the would-be offender (race, so-called gender identity, sexual orientation, etc.) or other political considerations (e.g., immigration status). l Pursue policies and legislation that encourage prosecution of violent crimes as well as appropriate sentences for such offenses. The Biden Administration has adopted policies that do not prevent armed career criminals, who actually commit violent crimes, from committing those crimes. A recent U.S. Sentencing Commission report shows that armed career criminals are consistently sentenced below their minimum sentencing guidelines range.42 There are valid reasons for sentence reductions in particular cases (for example, if the defendant has provided substantial assistance in prosecuting other offenders). At the same time, the DOJ must ensure that its line
AI Analysis:
"The bill focuses on victim protection through lifetime injunctions for violent and sexual crimes, which aligns with Project 2025's emphasis on reducing violent crime and holding offenders accountable. However, it does not address the specific DOJ reforms outlined in the policy, such as restructuring the FBI or eliminating the Director's term limit."
— 551 — Department of Justice The DOJ needs a hard firewall between its legitimate activities (monitoring online activity for potential threats in its mission space, looking at social media profiles for evidence of intent or other criminal activity, etc.) and those in which it must not engage (asking or demanding public forums or publishers to remove material based on the content and/or viewpoints expressed or itself censoring speech). l Streamline the non–law enforcement functions within the FBI, such as its Office of General Counsel, and obtain those services from other offices within the department. The next conservative Administration should eliminate any offices within the FBI that it has the power to eliminate without any action from Congress.34 For example, few Americans know that the FBI maintains a core of approximately 300 attorneys within its Office of General Counsel, an office that has been involved in some of the FBI’s most damaging recent scandals.35 These attorneys are not necessary to the functioning of the FBI in their current capacity. Legal advice should come from attorneys at the DOJ, whether those attorneys are within the Criminal Division, the National Security Division, the Justice Management Division, or the Office of Legal Counsel. Moving legal review outside the FBI would serve as a crucial check on an agency that has recently pushed past legal boundary after legal boundary. Similarly, the FBI does not need its own Office of Congressional Affairs separate and apart from the DOJ Office of Legislative Affairs, nor does it need its own Office of Public Affairs. l Emphasize, fund, and reward field offices while shrinking headquarters staff. While the FBI has essential headquarters functions that must be fulfilled and should likely be fulfilled by a team in Washington, D.C., the next conservative Administration should make a priority of deploying, funding, and rewarding the work of the field offices to the greatest extent possible. The Department of Justice must value badges over bureaucracy, must rethink its internal reporting structures, and should aim to realign the FBI’s resources accordingly. l Submit a legislative proposal to Congress to eliminate the 10-year term for the Director. After J. Edgar Hoover’s decades-long term as FBI Director came to an end following his death in 1972, and in light of oversight conducted by Congress into alleged Intelligence Community and FBI abuses in the 1970s, Congress limited the Director’s tenure to one “ten- year term.”36 The realities of the FBI’s abuses and overreach in recent years demonstrate that further reform is still necessary. — 552 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise The Director of the FBI must remain politically accountable to the President in the same manner as the head of any other federal department or agency. To ensure prompt political accountability and to rein in perceived or actual abuses, the next conservative Administration should seek a legislative change to align the FBI Director’s position with those of the heads of all other major departments and agencies. RENEWING THE DEPARTMENT’S FOCUS ON VIOLENT CRIME Despite the DOJ’s pronouncements that violent crime continues to be a top pri- ority, it has increased across the United States. The department’s leadership must make actually reducing violent crime a priority across the United States—and it must do so in partnership with state and local officials in a manner that is tailored to the needs and conditions in those states and localities. Targeting Violent and Career Criminals, Not Parents. The next conserva- tive Administration must ensure that the Department of Justice devotes significant effort to reducing violent crime nationwide. The Attorney General should require all U.S. Attorneys to develop a jurisdictional-specific plan—whenever possible in coordination with state and local law enforcement—to reduce violent crime within each of their districts. Then the Attorney General should hold each U.S. Attorney accountable for achieving actual results. In recent years, federal and state officials have succumbed to calls from anti–law enforcement advocates for so-called criminal justice reform. The pleas- ant-sounding terminology of reform masks the darker reality of this movement, which is one that has supported dismantling effective federal, state, and local law enforcement and stripped away some of the most fundamental tools that law enforcement has long had at its disposal. This campaign is not just ill-advised; it has clearly had real-world consequences in the form of catastrophic increases in crime—particularly violent crime—nationwide. As discussed in the next section, the Department of Justice has a special obligation to restore law and order in such districts.37 Juxtaposed against this increase in violent crime are things like Attorney Gen- eral Merrick Garland’s October 4, 2021, memorandum directing the commitment of significant resources and energies to combating imaginary, politically conve- nient threats of violence toward members of school boards and their staffs during the heat of the Virginia gubernatorial race.38 There was no similar effort to inves- tigate elected officials and other public officers who conspired with outside allies to target and harass parents who were merely exercising their constitutional and statutory rights.39 If we are to continue to have informed and civil dialogue in the United States on issues of public concern, the DOJ must enforce applicable civil rights laws in an even-handed way when citizens’ livelihoods are threatened merely because they have exercised their rights.
AI Analysis:
"The bill focuses on victim protection through lifetime injunctions for violent and sexual offenders, which aligns with Project 2025's emphasis on using DOJ tools to combat violent crime and support victims, though it does not directly address the specific legislative tools (like ACCA restoration) or death penalty enforcement highlighted in the policy."
— 554 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise attorneys are consistently using the tools at their disposal in cases with violent offenders, including pursuing mandatory minimum sentences under the Armed Career Criminal Act (ACCA).43 The department should also support legislative efforts to provide further tools, such as the Restoring the Armed Career Criminal Act, which Senators Tom Cotton (R–AR), Marsha Blackburn (R–TN), and Cindy Hyde-Smith (R–MS) introduced in 2021 in response to U.S. Supreme Court decisions neutering the ACCA.44 l Enforce the death penalty where appropriate and applicable. Capital punishment is a sensitive matter, as it should be, but the current crime wave makes deterrence vital at the federal, state, and local levels. However, providing this punishment without ever enforcing it provides justice neither for the victims’ families nor for the defendant. The next conservative Administration should therefore do everything possible to obtain finality for the 44 prisoners currently on federal death row. It should also pursue the death penalty for applicable crimes—particularly heinous crimes involving violence and sexual abuse of children—until Congress says otherwise through legislation.45 DISMANTLING DOMESTIC AND INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL ENTERPRISES Criminal organizations are as old as crime itself, but are more extensive, sophisticated, and dangerous today than at any other point in history. The Department of Justice has a key role in tackling transnational criminal orga- nizations like Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and Mexican drug cartels as well as purely domestic criminal organizations like those built on the more traditional mafia crime model as part of its obligation to ensure the safety and security of the American people. The department’s primary directive under the next Administration should be to return to an unapologetic focus on dismantling these criminal organizations and incarcerating their membership. Once this reprioritization occurs, the depart- ment’s political leadership should take concrete steps to use agency reach and resources to prevent these criminal organizations from operating and surviving. Assaulting the business model of these criminal organizations—which are massive, diversified enterprises with nationwide or international operations—is essential for success. The next Administration will therefore need to: l Revitalize the DOJ’s use of the array of statutory tools that exist for dealing with the threat of criminal organizations. The most potent ones are the simplest. For example, the department should:
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.
To designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 12208 North 19th Avenue in Phoenix, Arizona, as the Officer Zane T. Coolidge Post Office.
119/hr/3393
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