The bill
Less Bureaucracy, Better Foreign Medical Accreditation Act
HR. 9605, 119th Congress — read as touching Hospitals & Health Systems.
Sponsored by
Rep. Grothman, Glenn [R-WI-6]
ID: G000576
Follow the money
The bill
HR. 9605, 119th Congress — read as touching Hospitals & Health Systems.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
21 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "Department of Education" section, p. 386-388 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Ordered to be Reported (Amended) by the Yeas and Nays: 20 - 16.
July 14, 2026
📍 Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
**Summary of H.R. 9605: Less Bureaucracy, Better Foreign Medical Accreditation Act**
**1. Main Purpose & Objectives** The stated purpose of H.R. 9605 is to transfer oversight of foreign medical school accreditation from the Department of Education (ED) to the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), specifically by moving the functions of the National Committee on Foreign Medical Education and Accreditation (NCFMEA). The bill’s title promises “less bureaucracy” and “better” accreditation—classic political theater designed to make a mundane administrative shuffle sound like a bold reform. In reality, this is not about improving quality or reducing red tape; it’s about shifting jurisdictional turf between two bloated federal agencies, likely to appease lobbying interests or score partisan points under the guise of efficiency. The real objective? To let HHS—already neck-deep in Medicare, Medicaid, and public health—absorb yet another function it neither asked for nor is particularly equipped to handle, all while pretending this solves a problem that barely exists.
**2. Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law** The bill mandates the transfer of all functions related to NCFMEA—established under the Higher Education Act of 1965—from the Secretary of Education to the Secretary of HHS. This includes personnel, budgets, contracts, records, and ongoing proceedings. Crucially, it requires the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) to certify that the transfer results in no net increase in federal employees (a hollow promise, given how rarely such caps hold) and to manage any “incidental transfers” of assets or liabilities. References to ED or the Secretary of Education in existing law are automatically reinterpreted to point to HHS, ensuring seamless (on paper) continuity. The bill also includes standard savings provisions to preserve ongoing legal actions and permits, because even Congress knows that abruptly killing administrative functions would cause chaos—just not the kind they care to admit they’re creating.
**3. Affected Parties & Stakeholders** - **Foreign medical schools** seeking U.S. recognition (particularly those in the Caribbean, Ireland, Australia, etc.) will now deal with HHS instead of ED—assuming anyone notices the change. - **U.S. students** attending these schools (often those who couldn’t get into domestic programs) may see no practical difference, as accreditation standards are unlikely to shift meaningfully. - **The Department of Education** loses a minor but symbolically irritating function—another feather stripped from its cap. - **HHS** gains a new administrative headache with no additional resources, further stretching an agency already overwhelmed by pandemics, drug pricing, and Medicaid expansion. - **Lobbyists** for offshore medical schools likely pushed this move, believing HHS is more pliable or less scrutinized than ED—though they may be disappointed when they realize bureaucrats are interchangeable. - **Taxpayers** fund the charade, paying for paperwork to be shuffled from one desk to another while being told it’s “reform.”
**4. Potential Impact & Implications** The practical impact will be negligible. Accreditation criteria for foreign medical schools are unlikely to change; the same standards will apply, just under a new sign on the door. Any claim of “reduced bureaucracy” is absurd—transferring functions between agencies doesn’t eliminate oversight; it just changes the logo on the memo. If anything, it may *increase* confusion during the transition, as stakeholders navigate new points of contact and HHS scrambles to absorb a function it didn’t budget for. The real implication is symbolic: Congress prefers theatrical reorganizations over substantive reform. Instead of addressing whether foreign medical schools adequately prepare students for U.S. licensure (a real concern), or whether the NCFMEA process is transparent and rigorous, lawmakers opted for a shell game. This bill isn’t about better accreditation—it’s about the illusion of action, the comfort of motion mistaken for progress. In short: it’s a placebo for a system that needs surgery, administered by politicians who mistake busywork for healing.
Rep. Grothman, Glenn [R-WI-6]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
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This bill has 1 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.
ID: R000619
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Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 2 helped, 1 harmed.
Section 2 transfers functions related to foreign medical education and accreditation to the Department of Health and Human Services, which may lead to more efficient accreditation processes for foreign medical schools and potentially increase the number of qualified international medical graduates who can work in US hospitals.
Section 2 may lead to an increase in the number of qualified international medical graduates, potentially benefiting health insurance companies by expanding their network of healthcare providers.
Section 2 transfers functions related to foreign medical education and accreditation to the Department of Health and Human Services, potentially reducing the role of for-profit education institutions in accrediting foreign medical schools.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
AI Analysis:
"The bill aligns with Project 2025's goal of reducing federal overreach in education by transferring accreditation authority from the Department of Education to HHS, reflecting a broader theme of decentralizing federal control over institutional oversight. However, it does not fully implement the more radical proposals in Project 2025, such as eliminating federal recognition of accreditors or privatizing student loans, resulting in moderate rather than strong alignment."
— 353 — Department of Education 2. Intruding on the governance of colleges and universities controlled by a religious organization. l Revamp the system for recognizing accreditation agencies for Title IV purposes by removing the department’s monopoly on recognition by (1) authorizing states to recognize accreditation agencies for Title IV gatekeeping purposes and/or (2) authorizing state agencies to act as accreditation agencies for institutions throughout the United States. The next Administration and Congress might also consider amending the HEA to remove accreditors from the program triad entirely to allow accreditation to return to its original role of voluntary quality assurance. This would permit accreditors to put some “teeth” back into their standards without creating high- stakes disasters, such as institutional loss of Title IV access through paperwork submission errors, a state exercising its constitutional authority to administer its public colleges and universities, or an institution freely exercising the religious beliefs of its founders. With this option, neither the department nor the states would oversee or recognize accrediting agencies. The department’s role would be limited to evaluating the institution’s compliance with federal accounting requirements pursuant to evaluations conducted by appropriately credentialed auditors who have no conflicts of interest in performing the review paid for by the federal agency charged with overseeing compliance—not the institutions being reviewed. HEA: Student Loans l Beyond immediate policy moves and rulemaking to end the current Administration’s abuse of the department’s payment pause and HEA loan forgiveness programs, the department should work with Congress to overhaul the federal student loan program for the benefit of taxpayers and students. The federal government does not have the proper incentives to make sound lending decisions. The new Administration should consider: l Privatizing all lending programs, including subsidized, unsubsidized, and PLUS loans (both Grad and Parent). This would allow for market prices and signals to influence educational borrowing, introducing consumer-driven accountability into higher education. Pell grants should retain their current voucher-like structure. — 354 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise If privatizing student lending is not feasible, then the next Administration should consider the following reforms: l Switch to fair-value accounting from FCRA accounting. l Consolidate all federal loan programs into one new program that a) utilizes income-driven repayment, b) includes no interest rate subsidies or loan forgiveness, c) includes annual and aggregate limits on borrowing, and d) includes skin in the game to hold colleges accountable. l Eliminate Grad PLUS loans (for graduate students) and Parent PLUS loans (for parents of undergraduates). Graduate students are already eligible for unsubsidized Stafford student loans; Grad PLUS loans are redundant. They also lack some of the safeguards of Stafford loans, such as annual and aggregate borrowing limits. Parent PLUS loans are also redundant because there are many privately provided alternatives available. l The Public Service Loan Forgiveness program, which prioritizes government and public sector work over private sector employment, should be terminated. Whatever Congress chooses to do with future loans, there is still the question of the government’s responsible stewardship of the existing student loan portfolio—a substantial taxpayer asset. The current Administration has recklessly engaged in the policy fetish of forgiving and canceling student loans with abandon. l The next Administration should work with Congress to amend the HEA to ensure that no Administration engages in this kind of abuse in the future. l Specifically, the new Administration should urge the Congress to amend the HEA to abrogate, or substantially reduce, the power of the Secretary to cancel, compromise, discharge, or forgive the principal balances of Title IV student loans, as well as to modify in any material way the repayment amounts or terms of Title IV student loans. l Further, the next Administration should propose that Congress amend the HEA to remove the department’s authority to forgive loans based on borrower defense to repayment; instead, the department
AI Analysis:
"The bill shifts oversight of foreign medical school accreditation from the Department of Education to HHS, which aligns with Project 2025's broader goal of reducing the Department of Education's role in accreditation recognition and decentralizing oversight. However, it does not implement the specific Project 2025 proposals such as state-led recognition or removing accreditors from the Title IV triad, resulting in moderate rather than strong alignment."
— 353 — Department of Education 2. Intruding on the governance of colleges and universities controlled by a religious organization. l Revamp the system for recognizing accreditation agencies for Title IV purposes by removing the department’s monopoly on recognition by (1) authorizing states to recognize accreditation agencies for Title IV gatekeeping purposes and/or (2) authorizing state agencies to act as accreditation agencies for institutions throughout the United States. The next Administration and Congress might also consider amending the HEA to remove accreditors from the program triad entirely to allow accreditation to return to its original role of voluntary quality assurance. This would permit accreditors to put some “teeth” back into their standards without creating high- stakes disasters, such as institutional loss of Title IV access through paperwork submission errors, a state exercising its constitutional authority to administer its public colleges and universities, or an institution freely exercising the religious beliefs of its founders. With this option, neither the department nor the states would oversee or recognize accrediting agencies. The department’s role would be limited to evaluating the institution’s compliance with federal accounting requirements pursuant to evaluations conducted by appropriately credentialed auditors who have no conflicts of interest in performing the review paid for by the federal agency charged with overseeing compliance—not the institutions being reviewed. HEA: Student Loans l Beyond immediate policy moves and rulemaking to end the current Administration’s abuse of the department’s payment pause and HEA loan forgiveness programs, the department should work with Congress to overhaul the federal student loan program for the benefit of taxpayers and students. The federal government does not have the proper incentives to make sound lending decisions. The new Administration should consider: l Privatizing all lending programs, including subsidized, unsubsidized, and PLUS loans (both Grad and Parent). This would allow for market prices and signals to influence educational borrowing, introducing consumer-driven accountability into higher education. Pell grants should retain their current voucher-like structure.
AI Analysis:
"The bill focuses on transferring oversight of foreign medical school accreditation from the Department of Education to HHS to reduce bureaucracy, while Project 2025's education section emphasizes K–12 school choice, state opt-outs from federal programs, and reforming higher education accreditation to counter perceived ideological influences—particularly regarding DEI policies. There is no direct alignment in objectives or mechanisms."
— 351 — Department of Education as the Educational Choice for Children Act. This bill would create a federal scholarship tax credit that would incentivize donors to contribute to nonprofit scholarship granting organizations (SGOs). Eligible families could then use that funding from the SGOs for their children’s education expenses including private school tuition, tutoring, and instructional materials. ADDITIONAL K–12 REFORMS Allowing States to Opt Out of Federal Education Programs. States should be able to opt out of federal education programs such as the Academic Partnerships Lead Us to Success (APLUS) Act. Much of the red tape and regulations that hinder local school districts are handed down from Washington. This regulatory burden far exceeds the federal government’s less than 10 percent financing share of K–12 education. In the most recent fiscal year (FY 2022), states and localities financed 93 percent of K–12 education costs, and the federal government just 7 percent. That 7 percent share should not allow the federal government to dictate state and local education policy. l To restore state and local control of education and reduce the bureaucratic and compliance burden, Congress should allow states to opt out of the dozens of federal K–12 education programs authorized under the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, and instead allow states to put their share of federal funding toward any lawful education purpose under state law. This policy has been advanced over the years via a proposal known as the Academic Partnerships Lead Us to Success (APLUS) Act. HIGHER EDUCATION REFORM HEA: Accreditation Reform Congress established two primary responsibilities for the U.S. Department of Education in the HEA: 1) to ensure the “administrative capacity and financial responsibility” of colleges and universities that accept Title IV funds; and 2) to ensure the quality of those institutions. Congress did not endow the Department of Education with the authority to involve itself in academic quality issues relating to colleges and universities that participate in the Title IV student aid program; the HEA allows the agency only to recognize accreditors, which are then supposed to provide quality assurance measures. Unfortunately, the Biden Administration has followed closely in the footsteps of the Obama Administration by engaging in a politically motivated and incon- sistent administration of the accrediting agency recognition process. As a result, accreditors have transformed into de facto government agents. Despite claims by — 352 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise the department and accreditation agencies that accreditation is voluntary, the fact that Americans are denied access to an otherwise widely available entitle- ment benefit if the institution “elects” to not be accredited makes accreditation anything but voluntary. Today, accreditation determines whether Americans can access federal student aid benefits, transfer academic credits, enroll in higher-level degree programs, and even qualify for federal employment. Unnecessarily focused on schools in a specific geographic region, institutional accreditation reviews have also become wildly expensive audits by academic “peers” that stifle innovation and discourage new institutions of higher education. Of par- ticular concern are efforts by many accreditation agencies to leverage their Title IV (student loans and grants) gatekeeper roles to force institutions to adopt policies that have nothing to do with academic quality assurance and student outcomes. One egregious example of this is the extent to which accreditors have forced col- leges and universities, many of them faith-based institutions, to adopt diversity, equity, and inclusion policies that conflict with federal civil rights laws, state laws, and the institutional mission and culture of the schools. Perhaps more distress- ingly, accreditors, while professing support for academic freedom and campus free speech, have presided over a precipitous decline in both over the past decade. Despite maintaining criteria that demand such policies, accreditors have done nothing to dampen the illiberal chill that has swept across American campuses over the past decade. The current system is not working. A radical overhaul of the HEA’s accreditation requirements is thus in order. The next Administration should work with Congress to amend the HEA and should consider the following reforms: l Prohibit accreditation agencies from leveraging their Title IV gatekeeper role to mandate that educational institutions adopt diversity, equity, and inclusion policies. l Protect the sovereignty of states to decide governance and leadership issues for their state-supported colleges and universities by prohibiting accreditation agencies from intruding upon the governance of state-supported educational institutions. l Protect faith-based institutions by prohibiting accreditation agencies from: 1. Requiring standards and criteria that undermine the religious beliefs of, or require policies or conduct that conflict with, the religious mission or religious beliefs of the institution; and
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.