Less Bureaucracy, Better Family Engagement Act

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Bill ID: 119/hr/9608
Last Updated: September 1, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Miller, Mary E. [R-IL-15]

ID: M001211

Follow the money

The bill

Less Bureaucracy, Better Family Engagement Act

HR. 9608, 119th Congress.

The sponsor

Rep. Miller, Mary E. [R-IL-15]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$123,810 raised

23 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

85% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Department of Education" section, p. 392-394 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

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Latest Action

Ordered to be Reported (Amended) by the Yeas and Nays: 20 - 15.

July 14, 2026

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

🏛️

Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

✅

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

**HR 9608: Less Bureaucracy, Better Family Engagement Act** *Or: How to Fix Education by Giving It to the Agency That Regulates Your Flu Shot*

**1. Main Purpose & Objectives** The stated goal of HR 9608 is to “ensure the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) manages family engagement programs for elementary and secondary education.” In plain English: Congress has decided that the Department of Education (ED) is too incompetent—or perhaps too busy pretending to fix student loans—to handle programs that get parents involved in their kids’ schooling. So, they’re handing those responsibilities over to HHS, the same agency that oversees Medicare, Medicaid, and the occasional pandemic response. The bill’s title, dripping with Orwellian optimism, claims this shift will reduce bureaucracy and improve family engagement. Spoiler: It will do neither. The real objective? A bureaucratic shell game designed to look like reform while actually serving no discernible public interest—except maybe to let politicians claim they “streamlined government” without cutting anything meaningful.

**2. Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law** This bill doesn’t create new programs—it just moves existing ones. Specifically, it transfers four family engagement and related programs from ED to HHS: - Family Engagement in Education Programs (Title IV, Part E of ESEA) - Community Support for School Success (Title IV, Part F, Subpart 2) - National Activities for School Safety (Title IV, Part F, Subpart 3) - Ready to Learn Programming Grants (Section 4643 of ESEA)

All personnel, budgets, contracts, records, and legal obligations tied to these programs get shoved over to HHS. The Secretary of HHS gains all the authority the Secretary of ED once had over these functions. References to ED or its secretary in other laws are now deemed to mean HHS—a legal sleight of hand that avoids rewriting every statute. The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) gets to oversee the transfer, promising no net increase in federal employees (a claim as credible as a used car salesman’s odometer). Current grants, contracts, and legal proceedings continue uninterrupted—because God forbid we actually disrupt anything.

**3. Affected Parties & Stakeholders** - **Department of Education:** Loses relevance in yet another domain. Its already dwindling portfolio of responsibilities shrinks further, bringing it closer to irrelevance. - **Department of Health and Human Services:** Gains a new set of programs it neither asked for nor is particularly equipped to manage. Expect confusion, duplicated efforts, and passive-aggressive memos between HHS and ED about who’s really in charge of a parent-teacher night. - **State and Local Education Agencies:** Now must navigate a new federal overseer for programs they’ve long dealt with through ED. More paperwork, new contacts, and zero guarantee of improved service. - **Parents and Families:** Supposed beneficiaries. In reality, they’ll see no change—except maybe a delay when their grant application gets lost in transit between departments. - **Taxpayers:** Fund a pointless reorganization that solves no problem while creating opportunities for inefficiency and turf wars. - **Lobbyists and Consultants:** Already billing hours to help clients navigate the transfer. The real winners.

**4. Potential Impact & Implications** This bill is a solution in search of a problem. There’s no evidence that ED is failing at managing family engagement programs—or that HHS would do better. In fact, HHS’s core mission is public health, not education policy. Shoving school-based family programs into a health agency is like assigning the FDA to manage national parks: technically possible, profoundly misguided.

The likely outcomes: - **Short-term:** Chaos during transition. Misrouted funds. Confused grantees. - **Long-term:** No measurable improvement in family engagement. Maybe a slight increase in administrative costs due to duplicated oversight. - **Political:** Members of Congress get to vote for something that sounds proactive (“Less Bureaucracy!”) while actually just rearranging deck chairs on the Titanic.

Ultim

Related Topics

Education & Student AidForeign Aid & DiplomacyGovernment Operations & Accountability
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Miller, Mary E. [R-IL-15]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$123,810
16 donors
PACs
$13,010
Organizations
$1,500
Committees
$0
Individuals
$109,300
1
WINRED PAC
1 transaction
$13,010
1
ADAMS MEMORIALS
1 transaction
$1,000
2
VAHLING VINEYARDS
1 transaction
$500

No committee contributions found

1
BISHOP, JACK L MR
5 transactions
$30,300
2
KASPAR, SCOTT
1 transaction
$13,200
3
FORSYTHE, GERALD R MR
2 transactions
$13,200
4
THOMPSON, JOHN
2 transactions
$10,000
5
DAMAS, BETH A
1 transaction
$6,600
6
FORSYTHE, JEAN
2 transactions
$6,600
7
UIHLEIN, RICHARD
1 transaction
$5,800
8
HELMUTH, FRED
1 transaction
$5,000
9
THRIFT, PAUL
1 transaction
$5,000
10
RYDIN, MIKE
1 transaction
$3,700
11
OBERHELMAN, DIANE A
1 transaction
$3,300
12
SOVIE, DON
1 transaction
$3,300
13
COOLEY, WILLIAM
1 transaction
$3,300

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 1 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. Rulli, Michael A. [R-OH-6]

ID: R000619

Top Contributors

27

1
10SIX CONSUTLING
OrganizationHUDSON, WI
$10,000
Mar 29, 2024
2
10SIX CONSUTLING
OrganizationHUDSON, WI
$10,000
Mar 31, 2024
3
10SIX CONSUTLING
OrganizationHUDSON, WI
$6,000
Mar 28, 2024
4
10SIX CONSUTLING
OrganizationHUDSON, WI
$6,000
Mar 31, 2024
5
BUCKEYE JUNCTION LLC
OrganizationCOLUMBUS, OH
$1,000
Dec 20, 2023
6
LEHMAN PUBLIC POLICY LLC
OrganizationNEWARK, OH
$500
Dec 12, 2023
7
NELSON GOVERNMENT STRATEGIES LLC
OrganizationCOLUMBUS, OH
$350
Dec 12, 2023
8
SMITH, GREGORY B. MR. SR.
COMPCO • CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD
IndividualCOLUMBIANA, OH
$6,600
Mar 11, 2024
9
MILLER, SAMUEL
TRUMBULL INDUSTRIES • OWNER
IndividualYOUNGSTOWN, OH
$6,600
Mar 15, 2024
10
SMITH, GREGORY B. MR. SR.
IndividualCOLUMBIANA, OH
$6,600
Mar 14, 2024

Donor Network - Rep. Miller, Mary E. [R-IL-15]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

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Showing 34 nodes and 46 connections

Total contributions: $46

Top Donors - Rep. Miller, Mary E. [R-IL-15]

Showing top 16 donors by contribution amount

1 PAC2 Orgs13 Individuals

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Department of Education

Strong
Vector: 67%
Pages: 392-394AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill aligns with Project 2025's goal of reducing the Department of Education's size and transferring its programs to other agencies to cut bureaucracy and save taxpayer funds, specifically by moving family engagement and school safety programs to HHS."

Key themes:Department of Education restructuringprogram transfers to other agenciesbureaucracy reductionworkforce neutralityfederal spending efficiency

— 359 — Department of Education l The reissuing of the report on school safety from 2018 with updated information, l The release of a report to Congress on how to consolidate the department and trim nonessential employees, l A report on the negative influence of action civics on students’ understanding of history and civics and their disposition toward the United States, l An update of the Coleman report to show the impact of family structure on student achievement, l A full accounting of CARES Act education expenditures, and l A report on how many dollars make their way to the classroom in every federal education grant and program. Pursue Antitrust Against Accreditors l The President should issue an executive order pursuing antitrust against college accreditors, especially the American Bar Association (ABA). NEW POLICIES/REGULATIONS THAT REQUIRE COORDINATION WITH OTHER AGENCIES AND/OR THE WHITE HOUSE The department must coordinate any rulemaking with the White House, the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), DOJ, and other agencies that share responsibility with the department in the administration or enforcement of stat- ute, such as Titles VI and IX. Moreover, regarding regulations arising under civil rights laws administered by the department, Executive Order 12550 requires the Attorney General to approve final regulations; the Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights must approve notices of proposed rulemaking. Organizational Issues Historical Budget Information. Congressional appropriations for the U.S. Department of Education have risen from $14 billion in 1980 to $95.5 billion in 2021, an astounding increase, especially in light of the lack of improvements in student outcomes. Recommend Budget Cuts, Shifts, and Augmentations, If Any. Transferring most of the programs at the U.S. Department of Education to other agencies and eliminating duplicative and ineffective programs would yield significant taxpayer — 360 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise CHART 4 U.S. Department of Education, Total Appropriations IN BILLIONS OF DOLLARS $120 $100 $95.5 $80 $60 $40 $20 $14 $0 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2020 NOTE: Totals include mandatory and discretionary appropriations. SOURCE: U.S. Department of Education, “Budget History Tables,” Education Department Budget History Table, https://www2.ed.gov/about/overview/budget/history/index.html (accessed March 17, 2023). A heritage.org savings. The proposal would immediately save more than $17 billion annually in various programs. Savings over a decade would be far more robust, as the revenue responsibility for many formula grant programs would be returned to the states. Some highlights include: l Eliminate competitive grant programs and reduce spending on formula grant programs. Competitive grant programs operated by the Department of Education should be eliminated, and federal spending should be reduced to reflect remaining formula grant programs authorized under Title I of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) and the handful of other programs that do not fall under the competitive/ project grant category. Remaining programs managed by the Department

Department of Health and Human Services

Moderate
Vector: 66%
Pages: 533-535AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill aligns with Project 2025's broader theme of restructuring HHS to consolidate social services, as it transfers family engagement and school safety programs from ED to HHS to improve coordination with health and human services. However, the specific programs transferred are not directly referenced in the provided Project 2025 HHS excerpts, which focus on Medicaid, abortion policy, and healthcare regulations rather than education or family engagement initiatives."

Key themes:HHS restructuringprogram consolidationinteragency coordinationfamily servicesfederal bureaucracy reduction

— 500 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise 32. Owcharenko Schaefer, “Medicaid at 55: Understanding the Design, Trends, and Reforms Needed to Improve the Health Care Safety Net.” 33. Brian Blase, “Managed Care in Medicaid: Need for Oversight, Accountability, and Reform,” Paragon Health Institute Policy Brief, October 13, 2022, https://paragoninstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/20221012- Managed-Care-in-Medicaid-Need-for-Oversight-Accountability-and-Reform-FOR-DISTRIBUTION-V2.pdf (accessed February 13, 2023). 34. Owcharenko Schaefer, “Medicaid at 55: Understanding the Design, Trends, and Reforms Needed to Improve the Health Care Safety Net.” 35. 42 U.S. Code § 1315, https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/42/1315 (accessed March 17, 2023). 36. Chad D. Savage and Lee S. Gross, “Direct Primary Care: Update and Road Map for Patient-Centered Reforms,” Heritage Foundation Backgrounder No. 3635, June 28, 2021, https://www.heritage.org/sites/default/ files/2021-06/BG3635.pdf. 37. H.R. 133, Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021, Public Law No. 116-260, 116th Congress, December 27, 2020, Division BB, Title I, https://www.congress.gov/116/plaws/publ260/PLAW-116publ260.pdf (accessed March 17, 2023). 38. Doug Badger, “On Surprise Medical Bills, Congress Should Side with Consumers, Not Special Interests,” Heritage Foundation Commentary, January 31, 2020, https://www.heritage.org/health-care-reform/ commentary/surprise-medical-bills-congress-should-side-consumers-not-special. 39. Edmund F. Haislmaier and Abigail Slagle, “Premiums, Choices, Deductibles, Care Access, and Government Dependence Under the Affordable Care Act: 2021 State-by-State Review,” Heritage Foundation Backgrounder No. 3668, November 2, 2021, https://www.heritage.org/sites/default/files/2021-11/BG3668.pdf. 40. U.S. Department of the Treasury, Internal Revenue Service; U.S. Department of Labor, Employee Benefits Security Administration; and U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, “Transparency in Coverage,” Final Rule, Federal Register, Vol. 85, No. 219 (November 12, 2020), pp. 72158–72310, https://www.govinfo.gov/ content/pkg/FR-2020-11-12/pdf/2020-24591.pdf (accessed March 17, 2023). 41. David N. Bernstein and Robert E. Moffit, “New Price Transparency Rule Will Help Transform America’s Health Care System,” Heritage Foundation Commentary, November 1, 2020, https://www.heritage.org/health-care- reform/commentary/new-price-transparency-rule-will-help-transform-americas-health-care. 42. Sluzala and Haislmaier, “Lessons from COVID-19: How Policymakers Should Reform the Regulation of Clinical Testing.” 43. Ibid. 44. Most recently enacted in H.R. 2471, Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2022, Public Law No. 117-103, 117th Congress, March 15, 2022, Division H, Title V, §§ 506–507, https://www.congress.gov/117/plaws/publ103/ PLAW-117publ103.pdf (accessed March 17, 2023). 45. President Joseph R. Biden Jr., Executive Order 14079, “Securing Access to Reproductive and Other Healthcare Services,” August 3, 2022, in Federal Register, Vol. 87, No. 154 (August 11, 2022), pp. 49505–49507, https:// www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/FR-2022-08-11/pdf/2022-17420.pdf (accessed March 16, 2023). 46. Planned Parenthood, 2020–2021 Annual Report, p. 27, https://www.plannedparenthood.org/uploads/ filer_public/40/8f/408fc2ad-c8c2-48da-ad87-be5cc257d370/211214-ppfa-annualreport-20-21-c3-digital.pdf (accessed March 22, 2023). 47. Ibid., pp. 30 and 31. Total revenue of $1,714.4 million (p. 30) minus $1,580.7 million in total expenses (p. 31) yields $133,7 million. 48. Ibid., p. 28. 49. Ibid., p. 30. 50. H.R. 372, Protecting Life and Taxpayers Act of 2023, 118th Congress, introduced January 17, 2023, https://www. congress.gov/118/bills/hr372/BILLS-118hr372ih.pdf (accessed March 17, 2023). 51. 42 U.S. Code § 18023, https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/42/18023 (accessed March 17, 2023). 52. H.R. 3128, Consolidated Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1985, Public Law No. 99-272, 99th Congress, April 7, 1986, Title IX, Subtitle A, Part 1, Subpart B, § 9121, https://www.congress.gov/99/statute/STATUTE-100/ STATUTE-100-Pg82.pdf (accessed March 17, 2023). 53. H.R. 8070, Rehabilitation Act of 1973, Public Law No. 93-112, 93rd Congress, September 26, 1973, https://www. congress.gov/93/statute/STATUTE-87/STATUTE-87-Pg355.pdf (accessed March 17, 2023). — 501 — Department of Health and Human Services 54. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, Office of Civil Rights, and Office of the Secretary, “Special Responsibilities of Medicare Hospitals in Emergency Cases and Discrimination on the Basis of Disability in Critical Health and Human Service Programs or Activities,” draft of Proposed Rule, January 14, 2021, https://www.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/infants-nprm.pdf (accessed March 17, 2023). 55. H.R. 26, Born-Alive Abortion Survivors Protection Act, 118th Congress, introduced January 9, 2023, https:// www.congress.gov/118/bills/hr26/BILLS-118hr26pcs.pdf (accessed March 17, 2023). 56. H.R. 7, No Taxpayer Funding for Abortion and Abortion Insurance Full Disclosure Act of 2023, 118th Congress, introduced January 9, 2023, https://www.congress.gov/118/bills/hr7/BILLS-118hr7ih.pdf (accessed March 17, 2023). 57. S. 401, Conscience Protection Act of 2021, 117th Congress, introduced February 24, 2021, https://www.congress. gov/117/bills/s401/BILLS-117s401is.pdf (accessed March 17, 2023). 58. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, and Office of the Secretary, “Nondiscrimination in Health Programs and Activities,” Notice of Proposed Rulemaking; Notice of Tribal Consultation, Federal Register, Vol. 87, No. 149 (August 4, 2022), pp. 47824–47920, https://www.govinfo. gov/content/pkg/FR-2022-08-04/pdf/2022-16217.pdf (accessed March 17, 2023). 59. Ibid., p. 47916. 60. The regulation was not finalized before the end of the Administration. U.S. Department of Agriculture, Food and Nutrition Services, “Revision of Categorical Eligibility in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP),” Proposed Rule, Federal Register, Vol. 84, No. 142 (July 24, 2019), pp. 35570–55581, https:// www.federalregister.gov/documents/2019/07/24/2019-15670/revision-of-categorical-eligibility-in-the- supplemental-nutrition-assistance-program-snap (accessed March 17, 2023). 61. 45 Code of Federal Regulations § 75.300(c) and (d), https://www.ecfr.gov/current/title-45/subtitle-A/ subchapter-A/part-75/subpart-D/subject-group-ECFR911e5e1a30bfbcb/section-75.300 (accessed March 17, 2023). 62. H.R. 1750, Child Welfare Provider Inclusion Act of 2021, 117th Congress, introduced March 10, 2021, https:// www.congress.gov/117/bills/hr1750/BILLS-117hr1750ih.pdf (accessed March 17, 2023), and S. 656, Child Welfare Provider Inclusion Act of 2021, 117th Congress, introduced March 10, 2021, https://www.congress.gov/117/bills/ s656/BILLS-117s656is.pdf (accessed March 17, 2023). 63. S. 3949, Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act of 2022, Public Law No. 117-348, 117th Congress, January 25, 2023, https://www.congress.gov/117/plaws/publ348/PLAW-117publ348.pdf (accessed March 17, 2023). 64. Kelsey Y. Santamaria, “Child Migrants at the Border: The Flores Settlement Agreement and Other Legal Developments,” Congressional Research Service In Focus No. IF11799, April 1, 2021, https://crsreports.congress. gov/product/pdf/IF/IF11799 (accessed March 17, 2023). 65. Report, Building a Happy Home: Marriage Education as a Tool to Strengthen Families, Social Capital Project Report No. 1-22, March 2022, p. 17, https://www.jec.senate.gov/public/_cache/files/3d102525-6f0d-48ed- 92f4-d71edd468ad6/building-a-happy-home.pdf (accessed March 17, 2023). The cover of the report reflects that the Social Capital Project is “[a] project of the Joint Economic Committee – Republicans.” 66. See, for example, Alan J. Hawkins, “Are Federally Supported Relationship Education Programs for Lower-Income Individuals and Couples Working? A Review of Evaluation Research,” American Enterprise Institute, September 2019, https://www. congress.gov/117/plaws/publ228/PLAW-117publ228.pdf (accessed March 17, 2023). 67. H.R. 8404, Respect for Marriage Act, Public Law No. 117-228, 117th Congress, December 13, 2022, https://www. congress.gov/117/plaws/publ228/PLAW-117publ228.pdf (accessed March 17, 2023). 68. Madison Marino, “Over 1,000 Safety Violations Mar Head Start. Children Deserve Better,” Heritage Foundation Commentary, November 10, 2022, https://www.heritage.org/education/commentary/over-1000-safety- violations-mar-head-start-children-deserve-better. 69. American Hospital Association v. Becerra, 596 U.S. ___ (2022), https://www.supremecourt.gov/ opinions/21pdf/20-1114_09m1.pdf (accessed March 17, 2023). 70. U.S. Department of the Treasury, Internal Revenue Service; U.S. Department of Labor, Employee Benefits Security Administration; and U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, “Coverage of Certain Preventive Services Under the Affordable Care Act,” Notice of Proposed Rulemaking, Federal Register, Vol. 88, No. 22 (February 2, 2023), pp. 7236–7281, https://www. govinfo.gov/content/pkg/FR-2023-02-02/pdf/2023-01981.pdf (accessed March 17, 2023).

Department of Education

Weak
Vector: 68%
Pages: 383-385AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill focuses on transferring family engagement programs from ED to HHS to reduce bureaucracy, while Project 2025 emphasizes expanding school choice via tax credits and allowing states to opt out of federal education programs. Both address reducing federal bureaucracy in education, but the bill does not implement or directly support the specific school choice or state opt-out mechanisms central to Project 2025."

Key themes:reducing federal bureaucracyeducation program reformstate and local control

— 351 — Department of Education as the Educational Choice for Children Act. This bill would create a federal scholarship tax credit that would incentivize donors to contribute to nonprofit scholarship granting organizations (SGOs). Eligible families could then use that funding from the SGOs for their children’s education expenses including private school tuition, tutoring, and instructional materials. ADDITIONAL K–12 REFORMS Allowing States to Opt Out of Federal Education Programs. States should be able to opt out of federal education programs such as the Academic Partnerships Lead Us to Success (APLUS) Act. Much of the red tape and regulations that hinder local school districts are handed down from Washington. This regulatory burden far exceeds the federal government’s less than 10 percent financing share of K–12 education. In the most recent fiscal year (FY 2022), states and localities financed 93 percent of K–12 education costs, and the federal government just 7 percent. That 7 percent share should not allow the federal government to dictate state and local education policy. l To restore state and local control of education and reduce the bureaucratic and compliance burden, Congress should allow states to opt out of the dozens of federal K–12 education programs authorized under the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, and instead allow states to put their share of federal funding toward any lawful education purpose under state law. This policy has been advanced over the years via a proposal known as the Academic Partnerships Lead Us to Success (APLUS) Act. HIGHER EDUCATION REFORM HEA: Accreditation Reform Congress established two primary responsibilities for the U.S. Department of Education in the HEA: 1) to ensure the “administrative capacity and financial responsibility” of colleges and universities that accept Title IV funds; and 2) to ensure the quality of those institutions. Congress did not endow the Department of Education with the authority to involve itself in academic quality issues relating to colleges and universities that participate in the Title IV student aid program; the HEA allows the agency only to recognize accreditors, which are then supposed to provide quality assurance measures. Unfortunately, the Biden Administration has followed closely in the footsteps of the Obama Administration by engaging in a politically motivated and incon- sistent administration of the accrediting agency recognition process. As a result, accreditors have transformed into de facto government agents. Despite claims by — 352 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise the department and accreditation agencies that accreditation is voluntary, the fact that Americans are denied access to an otherwise widely available entitle- ment benefit if the institution “elects” to not be accredited makes accreditation anything but voluntary. Today, accreditation determines whether Americans can access federal student aid benefits, transfer academic credits, enroll in higher-level degree programs, and even qualify for federal employment. Unnecessarily focused on schools in a specific geographic region, institutional accreditation reviews have also become wildly expensive audits by academic “peers” that stifle innovation and discourage new institutions of higher education. Of par- ticular concern are efforts by many accreditation agencies to leverage their Title IV (student loans and grants) gatekeeper roles to force institutions to adopt policies that have nothing to do with academic quality assurance and student outcomes. One egregious example of this is the extent to which accreditors have forced col- leges and universities, many of them faith-based institutions, to adopt diversity, equity, and inclusion policies that conflict with federal civil rights laws, state laws, and the institutional mission and culture of the schools. Perhaps more distress- ingly, accreditors, while professing support for academic freedom and campus free speech, have presided over a precipitous decline in both over the past decade. Despite maintaining criteria that demand such policies, accreditors have done nothing to dampen the illiberal chill that has swept across American campuses over the past decade. The current system is not working. A radical overhaul of the HEA’s accreditation requirements is thus in order. The next Administration should work with Congress to amend the HEA and should consider the following reforms: l Prohibit accreditation agencies from leveraging their Title IV gatekeeper role to mandate that educational institutions adopt diversity, equity, and inclusion policies. l Protect the sovereignty of states to decide governance and leadership issues for their state-supported colleges and universities by prohibiting accreditation agencies from intruding upon the governance of state-supported educational institutions. l Protect faith-based institutions by prohibiting accreditation agencies from: 1. Requiring standards and criteria that undermine the religious beliefs of, or require policies or conduct that conflict with, the religious mission or religious beliefs of the institution; and

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About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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