End Endless Criminal Statutes Act

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Bill ID: 119/hr/98
Last Updated: September 18, 2025

Sponsored by

Rep. Biggs, Andy [R-AZ-5]

ID: B001302

Follow the money

The bill

End Endless Criminal Statutes Act

HR. 98, 119th Congress — read as touching Law Enforcement & Surveillance Tech.

The sponsor

Rep. Biggs, Andy [R-AZ-5]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$66,000 raised

20 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

55% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Department of Homeland Security" section, p. 183-185 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Ordered to be Reported in the Nature of a Substitute by the Yeas and Nays: 16 - 14.

June 9, 2025

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

🏛️

Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

✅

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another exercise in legislative theater, courtesy of the esteemed members of Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?

**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The End Endless Criminal Statutes Act (HR 98) claims to repeal "unnecessary" federal provisions that carry criminal penalties for various offenses. How noble. In reality, it's a token effort to appear reform-minded while maintaining the status quo.

**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** This bill repeals or amends sections of the US Code related to:

1. Writing checks for less than $1 (because, clearly, this is a pressing issue). 2. Selling colored oleomargarine (a relic from the early 20th century). 3. Discarding produce without cause (a "crime" that's been on the books since 1927). 4. Removing stamps from mail matter (because who doesn't love a good game of postal roulette?). 5. Making metal coins with original designs (a provision that's been dormant for decades).

These changes are largely symbolic, as most of these offenses have not been prosecuted in years.

**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The usual suspects:

1. Lobbyists: Who will undoubtedly claim victory and tout their influence in "reforming" the system. 2. Politicians: Who will use this bill to pretend they're addressing the "over-criminalization" of America (while ignoring the real issues). 3. Special interest groups: Who will spin this as a win for their pet causes, even if it doesn't actually change anything.

**Potential Impact & Implications:** This bill is a Band-Aid on a bullet wound. It does nothing to address the systemic problems with our justice system or the proliferation of unnecessary laws. In fact, it might even create new loopholes and unintended consequences.

The real disease here is the perpetual need for politicians to appear busy while accomplishing nothing. This bill is a symptom of that disease – a shallow attempt to placate voters and special interests without actually solving any problems.

In short, HR 98 is a legislative placebo: it might make you feel better, but it won't cure anything.

Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Biggs, Andy [R-AZ-5]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$66,000
16 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$0
Committees
$0
Individuals
$66,000

No PAC contributions found

No organization contributions found

No committee contributions found

1
TAYLOR, MARGARETTA J
2 transactions
$6,600
2
BENSON, LEE
2 transactions
$6,600
3
COOLEY, WILLIAM
2 transactions
$6,600
4
ZIMDAHL, NORMA
2 transactions
$6,600
5
MCCLEVE, LONNIE
1 transaction
$3,300
6
FAUST, ANNE R
1 transaction
$3,300
7
BROPHY, DANIEL
1 transaction
$3,300
8
LONDEN, PRISCILLA
1 transaction
$3,300
9
ALLEN, GWYNDA S
1 transaction
$3,300
10
UIHLEIN, RICHARD
1 transaction
$3,300
11
FUNDERBURK, AL
1 transaction
$3,300
12
MORRIS, MARY A
1 transaction
$3,300
13
NORD, RICHARD
1 transaction
$3,300
14
COWLES, STEVEN
1 transaction
$3,300
15
LOPEZ, HUMBERTO S.
1 transaction
$3,300
16
PECK, JOHN JR.
1 transaction
$3,300

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 1 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. Roy, Chip [R-TX-21]

ID: R000614

Top Contributors

10

1
HOOVER SLOVACEK LLP
OrganizationHOUSTON, TX
$1,000
May 9, 2023
2
DYER, DON
PJS TEXAS • CEO
IndividualAUSTIN, TX
$13,300
May 9, 2023
3
COOPER, CHARLES
COOPER & KIRK PLLC • LAWYER
IndividualBONITA SPRINGS, FL
$7,000
Mar 31, 2023
4
HELD, DR. KRISTIN STORY
SELF • PHYSICIAN
IndividualSAN ANTONIO, TX
$6,600
Dec 4, 2023
5
TAYLOR, MARGARETTA J. MS.
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$6,600
Jan 26, 2024
6
COWDEN, DUKE
SELF • OIL & GAS
IndividualAUSTIN, TX
$6,600
Feb 3, 2024
7
MARSHALL, EVERETT PIERCE JR
MAROPCO INC. • ATTORNEY
IndividualDALLAS, TX
$6,600
Feb 8, 2023
8
RATHBONE, MONROE JACK
SELF • ENGINEER
IndividualMIDLAND, TX
$6,600
Feb 8, 2023
9
RATHBONE, RANDEE
SELF • ENGINEER
IndividualMIDLAND, TX
$6,600
Feb 8, 2023
10
SPEAR, NANCY G.
SBG • EVENT COORDINATOR
IndividualMIDLAND, TX
$6,600
Feb 8, 2023

Donor Network - Rep. Biggs, Andy [R-AZ-5]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

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Showing 51 nodes and 23 connections (54 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $87,300

Top Donors - Rep. Biggs, Andy [R-AZ-5]

Showing top 16 donors by contribution amount

16 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 2 helped, 1 harmed.

  • Section 3(i) repeals an Act protecting public property on Capitol Grounds, potentially reducing law enforcement's role in preventing certain activities (2 U.S.C. 1963).

  • +Agribusinessconfidence 0.60

    Section 3(b) repeals subsections of the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act related to colored oleomargarine, potentially benefiting agribusiness companies involved in food production (21 U.S.C. 347).

  • +Commercial Banksconfidence 0.50

    Section 2(1) mentions writing a check for less than $1 as an unnecessary criminal offense, potentially reducing regulatory burden on commercial banks (18 U.S.C.).

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Department of Homeland Security

Weak
Vector: 60%
Pages: 183-185AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"HR 98 focuses on repealing outdated, non‑immigration criminal statutes, while the Project 2025 DHS section centers on immigration enforcement, detainers, and limiting prosecutorial discretion in that context; the only modest connection is a shared interest in shaping prosecutorial discretion, but the substantive topics diverge significantly."

Key themes:prosecutorial discretioncriminal code reformfederal law enforcement

— 150 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise 1. Congress should unequivocally authorize state and local law enforcement to participate in immigration and border security actions in compliance with Arizona v. United States.11 2. Congress should require compliance with immigration detainers to the maximum extent consistent with the Tenth Amendment and set financial disincentives for jurisdictions that implement either official or unofficial sanctuary policies. l Prosecutorial discretion. Congress should restrict the authority for prosecutorial discretion to eliminate it as a “catch-all” excuse for limiting immigration enforcement. l Mandatory detention. Congress should eliminate ambiguous discretionary language in Title 8 that aliens “may” be detained and clarify that aliens “shall” be detained. This language, which contrasts with other “shall detain” language in statute, creates unhelpful ambiguity and allows the executive branch to ignore the will of Congress. Regulations l Withdraw Biden Administration regulations and reissue new regulations in the following areas: 1. Credible Fear/Asylum Jurisdiction for Border Crossers. 2. Public Charge. l T-Visa and U-Visa reform. Unless and until T and U visas are repealed, each program needs to be reformed to ensure that only legitimate victims of trafficking and crimes who are actively providing significant material assistance to law enforcement are eligible for spots in the queue. l Repeal TPS designations. l H-1B reform. Transform the program into an elite mechanism exclusively to bring in the “best and brightest” at the highest wages while simultaneously ensuring that U.S. workers are not being disadvantaged by the program. H-1B is a means only to supplement the U.S. economy and to keep companies competitive, not to depress U.S. labor markets artificially in certain industries.

Department of Homeland Security

Weak
Vector: 60%
Pages: 183-185AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"HR 98 focuses on repealing outdated federal criminal offenses to reduce legal complexity, while Project 2025's DHS section centers on immigration enforcement, prosecutorial discretion, and detention policies. The only tangential connection is a shared interest in limiting prosecutorial discretion and streamlining enforcement, but the substantive topics differ significantly."

Key themes:prosecutorial discretionstreamlining enforcementreducing arbitrary prosecutionscriminal code reform

— 150 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise 1. Congress should unequivocally authorize state and local law enforcement to participate in immigration and border security actions in compliance with Arizona v. United States.11 2. Congress should require compliance with immigration detainers to the maximum extent consistent with the Tenth Amendment and set financial disincentives for jurisdictions that implement either official or unofficial sanctuary policies. l Prosecutorial discretion. Congress should restrict the authority for prosecutorial discretion to eliminate it as a “catch-all” excuse for limiting immigration enforcement. l Mandatory detention. Congress should eliminate ambiguous discretionary language in Title 8 that aliens “may” be detained and clarify that aliens “shall” be detained. This language, which contrasts with other “shall detain” language in statute, creates unhelpful ambiguity and allows the executive branch to ignore the will of Congress. Regulations l Withdraw Biden Administration regulations and reissue new regulations in the following areas: 1. Credible Fear/Asylum Jurisdiction for Border Crossers. 2. Public Charge. l T-Visa and U-Visa reform. Unless and until T and U visas are repealed, each program needs to be reformed to ensure that only legitimate victims of trafficking and crimes who are actively providing significant material assistance to law enforcement are eligible for spots in the queue. l Repeal TPS designations. l H-1B reform. Transform the program into an elite mechanism exclusively to bring in the “best and brightest” at the highest wages while simultaneously ensuring that U.S. workers are not being disadvantaged by the program. H-1B is a means only to supplement the U.S. economy and to keep companies competitive, not to depress U.S. labor markets artificially in certain industries. — 151 — Department of Homeland Security l Employment authorization. Along with the legislative proposal, take regulatory action to limit the classes of aliens eligible for work authorization. Executive Orders l Pathways for border crossers 1. Direct the Department of State and the Department of Homeland Security to reinstate Asylum Cooperative Agreements with Northern Triangle Countries immediately. 2. Recommence negotiations with Mexico to fully implement the Remain in Mexico Protocols. 3. Reinstate, to the extent possible, expedited pathways with full credible fear/immigration court process (PACR and HARP). 4. Prohibit the use of Notices to Report, the use of any funds for travel into the interior of the United States, and government flights or transportation for aliens. 5. Mandate that ICE use all detention space in full compliance with Section 235 of the INA, issue weekly reports on detention capacity, and provide authority for low-level temporary capacity (for example, tents) once permanent space is full. 6. Eliminate the use of ATD for border crossers except in rare cases and only with the explicit authority of the Secretary. 7. Prohibit the use of parole except in matters that are certified by the Secretary of Homeland Security as requiring action for humanitarian or significant public benefit reasons, and prohibit the use of parole in any categorical circumstance. l Enforcement 1. Restrict prosecutorial discretion to eliminate it as a “catch-all” excuse for limiting immigration enforcement. 2. Mandate the use of E-Verify for anyone doing business with the government.

Department of Homeland Security

Weak
Vector: 58%
Pages: 177-179AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"HR 98 focuses on repealing outdated federal criminal offenses to streamline the code, while Project 2025's DHS section centers on immigration enforcement, denaturalization, and agency restructuring. Both share a general theme of improving law enforcement efficiency and reducing arbitrary enforcement, but their substantive areas do not overlap."

Key themes:law enforcement efficiencyreducing arbitrary enforcementregulatory reformcriminal code simplificationadministrative accountability

— 144 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise prosecuting criminal and civil denaturalization cases, in combination with the Department of Justice, for aliens who obtained citizenship through fraud or other illicit means. Additionally, USCIS should create a criminal enforcement compo- nent within the agency to investigate immigration benefits fraud under Title 8 (perhaps requiring additional legislative and regulatory authorities for the offi- cers themselves) and to prosecute cases through Special Assistant U.S. Attorneys (SAUSAs) with substantive knowledge in the field. Particular attention should be given to addressing increasing incidents of forced labor trafficking in temporary work visa programs. While the Biden regulatory agenda has focused on at least two major rules—the credible fear rule and the public charge rule—USCIS has utilized other policy and internal procedural mechanisms to extend employment authorization to large groups of people who are in the country without legal status. The agency has taken quiet steps to cut corners and lessen adjudicatory standards. During a tran- sition period, a complete audit of agency policies, memoranda, and management directives issued during the Biden Administration should be completed, and rescis- sion documents should be prepared for issuance within the first few days of the incoming Administration. Additionally, regulatory documents should be drafted to review or reverse all regulations promulgated during the Biden Administration. New Policies To advance the national interest, the three core immigration agencies—USCIS, ICE, and CBP—should remerge and have immigration elements outside of DHS (such as ORR of HHS) included. The fragmented immigration enforcement frame- work that developed in the wake of the Homeland Security Act has weakened each agency and should be remediated. Combining these critical agencies would strengthen their capabilities, ensure cooperation, and promote information-shar- ing. Agency responsibilities and the delineation of authorities, such as inconsistent use of deferred action and issuance of NTAs by each agency, have long been a point of contention that would be addressed much more easily if they were recombined into a single entity. Alternatively, new policies for USCIS as it currently exists should focus on mat- ters that can be addressed through administrative action. l The workforce should be realigned and, as necessary, retrained on base eligibility and fraud detection rather than speed in processing. l Training should be returned to Federal Law Enforcement Training Centers (FLETC), which would underscore the enforcement role of USCIS as a vetting agency, and be rebranded accordingly. — 145 — Department of Homeland Security l Management Directives and policies should realign to ensure that the workforce, while adaptable and able to handle the bulk of the USCIS mission, is not allowed to be pulled off mission work to focus on unlawful programs (DACA, mass parole for Afghans, Ukrainians, Venezuelans, etc.), which divert resources away from nuclear family and employment programs. The regulatory agenda should include the immediate submission of notices of proposed rulemaking for the Trump Administration’s public charge rule (includ- ing aspects from its original notice of proposed rulemaking), temporary work visa reform, employment authorization reform rules, asylum bars rule, and a third-country transit rule. At a minimum, an enhanced regulatory agenda should include rules strengthening the integrity of the asylum system, parole reform, and U visa reform that prioritizes relief for victims of heinous crimes and ensures that we protect the truest and most deserving victims of crime. Not all policy changes require formal rulemaking, however, as internal guidance documents are generally exempt under the Administrative Procedure Act (APA).7 In this subregulatory space, USCIS policy memos and operational guidance should reduce the validity of employment authorization documents and end the COVID flexibilities, including the reliance on biometrics reuse. USCIS should also enforce existing regulations by rejecting incomplete applications and petitions, ensuring both that they are completed before accepted for filing and that FDNS signs off on all approved applications and petitions before approval notices are sent to the alien or petitioner. Other efforts should be focused on adjudication standards returning to nearly 100 percent interview requirements for all appropriate cases. The incoming Administration should spearhead an immigration legislative agenda focused on creating a merit-based immigration system that rewards high- skilled aliens instead of the current system that favors extended family–based and luck-of-the-draw immigration. To that end, the diversity visa lottery should be repealed, chain migration should be ended while focusing on the nuclear family, and the existing employment visa program should be replaced with a system to award visas only to the “best and brightest.” Internal efforts to limit employment authorization should be matched by con- gressional action to narrow statutory eligibility to work in the United States and mitigate unfair employment competition for U.S. citizens. The oft-abused H-1B program should be transformed into an elite program through which employers are vying to bring in only the top foreign workers at the highest wages so as not to depress American opportunities. Additionally, Congress should: l Improve the integrity of the temporary work visa programs; l Repeal Temporary Protected Status (TPS) designations;

Showing 3 of 5 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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