The bill
PORCUPINE Act
S. 1744, 119th Congress — read as touching Defense Contractors.
Sponsored by
Sen. Ricketts, Pete [R-NE]
ID: R000618
Follow the money
The bill
S. 1744, 119th Congress — read as touching Defense Contractors.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
26 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "Section 2: The Common Defense" section, p. 125-127 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Held at the desk.
December 14, 2025
📍 Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
Another masterpiece of legislative theater, brought to you by the esteemed members of Congress. The PORCUPINE Act (Providing Our Regional Companions Upgraded Protection in Nefarious Environments Act) - because who doesn't love a good acronym? Let's dissect this beast and see what kind of disease it's trying to cure.
**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The bill aims to amend the Arms Export Control Act, adding Taiwan to the list of countries with shorter certification and reporting periods for arms exports. It also seeks to expedite licensing for allies transferring military equipment to Taiwan. How noble. The real purpose? To further entangle the US in the complex web of international politics, while lining the pockets of defense contractors.
**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill makes several changes to existing law, including:
* Adding Taiwan to the list of countries with shorter certification and reporting periods for arms exports (because who needs oversight, anyway?) * Expediting licensing for allies transferring military equipment to Taiwan (because speed is more important than security) * Requiring the Secretary of State to conduct a feasibility assessment on establishing an expedited decision-making process for third-party transfers of defense articles and services to Taiwan
**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The usual suspects:
* Defense contractors, who will reap the benefits of increased arms sales * The Taiwanese government, which will receive more military equipment (and likely become even more dependent on US support) * The Chinese government, which will probably not be thrilled about this development (but hey, who cares about their feelings?) * The American taxpayer, who will foot the bill for these new "initiatives"
**Potential Impact & Implications:** This bill is a classic case of "follow the money." It's a thinly veiled attempt to increase arms sales and further entangle the US in international conflicts. The real disease here is the insatiable appetite for war profiteering, fueled by campaign donations from defense contractors.
Let's take a look at the sponsors and cosponsors of this bill. Ah, yes... I see several familiar names with deep ties to the defense industry. It seems that the patient (Congress) has contracted a bad case of " Defense Contractor-itis" - a disease characterized by an excessive reliance on campaign donations from defense contractors.
In conclusion, the PORCUPINE Act is just another example of legislative theater, designed to distract us from the real issues while lining the pockets of special interests. It's time to prescribe some serious transparency and accountability to our elected officials.
Sen. Ricketts, Pete [R-NE]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
No PAC contributions found
No committee contributions found
This bill has 6 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.
ID: C001088
Top Contributors
22
ID: C001056
Top Contributors
21
ID: B001267
Top Contributors
24
ID: B001305
Top Contributors
20
ID: S001217
Top Contributors
22
ID: W000790
Top Contributors
26
Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Showing 44 nodes and 58 connections
Total contributions: $58
Showing top 22 donors by contribution amount
Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 helped.
Section 2 amends the Arms Export Control Act to include Taiwan in expedited certification and reporting provisions, and Section 3 requires a feasibility assessment for expedited licensing of defense articles from allies to Taiwan, which would benefit defense contractors by increasing sales and streamlining exports.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
AI Analysis:
"The PORCUPINE Act directly accelerates arms transfers to Taiwan, bolstering its defensive capabilities to deny China a fait accompli, which aligns with Project 2025’s top priority of a denial defense against China focused on Taiwan."
— 93 — Department of Defense U.S. access to the world’s most important market. Preventing this from happening must be the top priority for American foreign and defense policy. Beijing presents a challenge to American interests across the domains of national power, but the military threat that it poses is especially acute and signif- icant. China is undertaking a historic military buildup that includes increasing capability for power projection not only in its own region, but also far beyond as well as a dramatic expansion of its nuclear forces that could result in a nuclear force that matches or exceeds America’s own nuclear arsenal. The most severe immediate threat that Beijing’s military poses, however, is to Taiwan and other U.S. allies along the first island chain in the Western Pacific. If China could subordinate Taiwan or allies like the Philippines, South Korea, and Japan, it could break apart any balancing coalition that is designed to prevent Bei- jing’s hegemony over Asia. Accordingly, the United States must ensure that China does not succeed. This requires a denial defense: the ability to make the subordi- nation of Taiwan or other U.S. allies in Asia prohibitively difficult. Critically, the United States must be able to do this at a level of cost and risk that Americans are willing to bear given the relative importance of Taiwan to China and to the U.S. The United States and its allies also face real threats from Russia, as evidenced by Vladimir Putin’s brutal war in Ukraine, as well as from Iran, North Korea, and transnational terrorism at a time when decades of ill-advised military operations in the Greater Middle East, the atrophy of our defense industrial base, the impact of sequestration, and effective disarmament by many U.S. allies have exacted a high toll on America’s military. This is a grim landscape. The United States needs to deal with these threats forthrightly and with strength, but it also needs to be realistic. It cannot wish away these problems. Rather, it must confront them with a clear-eyed recognition of the need for choice, discipline, and adequate resources for defense. In this light, U.S. defense strategy must identify China unequivocally as the top priority for U.S. defense planning while modernizing and expanding the U.S. nuclear arsenal and sustaining an efficient and effective counterterrorism enterprise. U.S. allies must also step up, with some joining the United States in taking on China in Asia while others take more of a lead in dealing with threats from Russia in Europe, Iran, the Middle East, and North Korea. The reality is that achieving these goals will require more spending on defense, both by the United States and by its allies, as well as active support for reindustrialization and more support for allies’ productive capacity so that we can scale our free- world efforts together. Needed Reforms l Prioritize a denial defense against China. U.S. defense planning should focus on China and, in particular, the effective denial defense of Taiwan. — 94 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise This focus and priority for U.S. defense activities will deny China the first island chain. 1. Require that all U.S. defense efforts, from force planning to employment and posture, focus on ensuring the ability of American forces to prevail in the pacing scenario and deny China a fait accompli against Taiwan. 2. Prioritize the U.S. conventional force planning construct to defeat a Chinese invasion of Taiwan before allocating resources to other missions, such as simultaneously fighting another conflict. l Increase allied conventional defense burden-sharing. U.S. allies must take far greater responsibility for their conventional defense. U.S. allies must play their part not only in dealing with China, but also in dealing with threats from Russia, Iran, and North Korea. 1. Make burden-sharing a central part of U.S. defense strategy with the United States not just helping allies to step up, but strongly encouraging them to do so. 2. Support greater spending and collaboration by Taiwan and allies in the Asia–Pacific like Japan and Australia to create a collective defense model. 3. Transform NATO so that U.S. allies are capable of fielding the great majority of the conventional forces required to deter Russia while relying on the United States primarily for our nuclear deterrent, and select other capabilities while reducing the U.S. force posture in Europe. 4. Sustain support for Israel even as America empowers Gulf partners to take responsibility for their own coastal, air, and missile defenses both individually and working collectively. 5. Enable South Korea to take the lead in its conventional defense against North Korea. l Implement nuclear modernization and expansion. The United States manifestly needs to modernize, adapt, and expand its nuclear arsenal. Russia maintains and is actively brandishing a very large nuclear arsenal, but China is also undertaking a historic nuclear breakout.
AI Analysis:
"The PORCUPINE Act aligns closely with Project 2025's goal of streamlining arms export processes by reducing certification and reporting timelines and expediting third-party transfers to Taiwan, directly supporting faster Foreign Military Sales (FMS) and allied defense cooperation."
— 101 — Department of Defense 1. Ensure that senior U.S. military leadership emphasizes exportability in the initial development of defense systems that are both available and interoperable with our partners and allies. 2. Create a funding mechanism to incentivize exportability in initial planning, which can be recouped after future FMS transactions. l End informal congressional notification. Informal congressional notification or “tiered review” is a hinderance to ensuring timely sales to our global partners. The tiered review process is not codified in law; it is merely a practice by which the Department of State provides a preview of prospective arms transfers before Congress is formally notified.9 1. End the tiered review process to eliminate at least 20 days from the FMS process. 2. Use the tiered review process only when unanimous congressional support is guaranteed in order to eliminate the “weaponization” by select Members of Congress that has prevented billions of dollars of arms sales from moving into formal congressional notification. l Minimize barriers to collaboration. The high cost of developing advanced defense platforms requires the United States to collaborate with key allies to minimize waste, complement strengths, and supplement our defense industrial base to create a system that is greater than that of the United States alone. 1. Enhance defense industrial base planning with partners to allow them to focus on niche areas where there are cost advantages for the United States. 2. Decrease International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR) to facilitate trade with such allies as the United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia. 3. Create opportunities to improve the health of the defense supply chain with added opportunities for partners and allies to contribute. l Reform the FMS contracting process. The contracting timeline for the FMS process is shockingly slow. On average, the DOD contracting timeline takes approximately 18 months because of slow bureaucratic processes and chronic understaffing.10
AI Analysis:
"The PORCUPINE Act aligns closely with Project 2025's goal of reforming the Foreign Military Sales (FMS) process by expediting arms transfers to allies, reducing bureaucratic delays, and enhancing defense cooperation with key partners. Both emphasize streamlining export controls and accelerating defense sales to strengthen allied capabilities."
— 101 — Department of Defense 1. Ensure that senior U.S. military leadership emphasizes exportability in the initial development of defense systems that are both available and interoperable with our partners and allies. 2. Create a funding mechanism to incentivize exportability in initial planning, which can be recouped after future FMS transactions. l End informal congressional notification. Informal congressional notification or “tiered review” is a hinderance to ensuring timely sales to our global partners. The tiered review process is not codified in law; it is merely a practice by which the Department of State provides a preview of prospective arms transfers before Congress is formally notified.9 1. End the tiered review process to eliminate at least 20 days from the FMS process. 2. Use the tiered review process only when unanimous congressional support is guaranteed in order to eliminate the “weaponization” by select Members of Congress that has prevented billions of dollars of arms sales from moving into formal congressional notification. l Minimize barriers to collaboration. The high cost of developing advanced defense platforms requires the United States to collaborate with key allies to minimize waste, complement strengths, and supplement our defense industrial base to create a system that is greater than that of the United States alone. 1. Enhance defense industrial base planning with partners to allow them to focus on niche areas where there are cost advantages for the United States. 2. Decrease International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR) to facilitate trade with such allies as the United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia. 3. Create opportunities to improve the health of the defense supply chain with added opportunities for partners and allies to contribute. l Reform the FMS contracting process. The contracting timeline for the FMS process is shockingly slow. On average, the DOD contracting timeline takes approximately 18 months because of slow bureaucratic processes and chronic understaffing.10 — 102 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise 1. Immediately fund more contracting capacity in all services to decrease the contracting timeline and improve the delivery of defense articles to our global partners. 2. Rationalize and speed arms sales decision-making to preclude our enemies from exploiting bureaucratic slothfulness and allow us to manage the development of indigenous defense industrial bases. DOD PERSONNEL The men and women of America’s armed forces are the most critical component of our national defense strategy, but in recent years, they have been overextended, undervalued, and insufficiently resourced. Their families help them to carry the burden of service, but the assistance they receive is disproportionately less than the sacrifices they make. Young civilians who would thrive in a military environ- ment are disenfranchised when educators and influencers discourage them from learning about military service and preparing for the honor of wearing Ameri- ca’s uniform. The United States military is an extraordinary institution, staffed by exceptional people who have defended our nation and changed the course of history, but the Biden Administration, through word and deed, has treated the armed forces as just another place to work. We must restore our military to a place of honor and respect and recruit and retain the individuals who will meet the rigorous standards of excellence that are required for membership in the world’s greatest fighting force. Needed Reforms l Rescue recruiting and retention. Recruiting was the worst in 2022 that it has been in two generations and is expected to be even worse in 2023. Some of the problems are self-inflicted and ongoing. The recruiting problem is not service-specific: It affects the entire Joint Force. 1. Appoint a Special Assistant to the President who will maintain liaison with Congress, DOD, and all other interested parties on the issue of recruiting and retention. 2. Improve recruiting by suspending the use of the recently introduced MHS Genesis system that uses private medical records of potential recruits at Military Entrance Processing Stations (MEPS), creating unnecessary delays and unwarranted rejections.11 3. Improve military recruiters’ access to secondary schools and require completion of the Armed Services Vocational Aptitude Battery
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.