The bill
Kids Off Social Media Act
S. 278, 119th Congress — read as touching Big Tech Platforms.
Sponsored by
Sen. Schatz, Brian [D-HI]
ID: S001194
Follow the money
The bill
S. 278, 119th Congress — read as touching Big Tech Platforms.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
30 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "Federal Trade Commission" section, p. 914-917 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Placed on Senate Legislative Calendar under General Orders. Calendar No. 108.
June 29, 2025
📍 Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
Another brilliant example of legislative theater, courtesy of the esteemed members of Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?
**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The "Kids Off Social Media Act" (KOSMA) claims to protect children from the evils of social media by prohibiting users under 13 from accessing platforms and limiting personalized recommendation systems for those under 17. How quaint.
In reality, KOSMA is a thinly veiled attempt to appease concerned parents and voters while doing nothing to address the actual issues plaguing social media. It's a classic case of "legislative lip service" – all sound bites and no substance.
**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill defines "social media platform," which is laughably narrow, excluding platforms that primarily facilitate commercial transactions, teleconferencing, or educational content. This ensures that the real culprits – the ones making bank off our personal data – remain untouched.
KOSMA also prohibits personalized recommendation systems for minors, but only if the platform "knows" the user is a child. Ah, the old "we didn't know" defense. How convenient.
**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The usual suspects are affected: social media platforms (but not really), parents, and children. However, the real stakeholders – the ones with deep pockets and lobbying power – will likely remain unscathed.
**Potential Impact & Implications:** KOSMA's impact will be negligible, as it fails to address the root causes of social media's problems. It won't curb data collection, reduce online harassment, or promote digital literacy. Instead, it will create a false sense of security among parents and voters, allowing lawmakers to claim they've "done something" about the issue.
In reality, KOSMA is a Band-Aid on a bullet wound. It's a distraction from the real issues, designed to keep the public pacified while politicians collect campaign donations from tech giants and lobbyists.
Diagnosis: This bill suffers from a severe case of "Legislative Attention Deficit Disorder" (LADD). Symptoms include:
* A lack of understanding of the underlying problems * A focus on superficial solutions rather than meaningful change * An overreliance on buzzwords and sound bites * A complete disregard for the actual stakeholders involved
Treatment: A healthy dose of skepticism, a strong critical thinking regimen, and a willingness to confront the real issues head-on. Unfortunately, these are not qualities commonly found in our esteemed lawmakers.
Prognosis: KOSMA will likely pass with flying colors, only to be met with widespread indifference and ineffectiveness. The social media landscape will continue to evolve, and the problems will persist. But hey, at least our politicians can claim they tried – right?
Sen. Schatz, Brian [D-HI]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
No PAC contributions found
No committee contributions found
This bill has 10 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.
ID: C001098
Top Contributors
52
ID: M001169
Top Contributors
23
ID: B001319
Top Contributors
26
ID: W000800
Top Contributors
22
ID: B001305
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20
ID: K000383
Top Contributors
24
ID: C001114
Top Contributors
25
ID: W000805
Top Contributors
23
ID: F000479
Top Contributors
23
ID: S001208
Top Contributors
35
Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Showing 69 nodes and 89 connections
Total contributions: $89
Showing top 21 donors by contribution amount
Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 2 harmed.
The bill prohibits social media platforms from allowing users under 13 to create accounts (Sec. 103) and bans personalized recommendation systems for users under 17 (Sec. 104), directly restricting core business models of major social media companies like Meta, Google/YouTube, TikTok, etc., which rely on user engagement and data-driven ad targeting.
The bill amends the Children's Internet Protection Act (CIPA) to require schools receiving E-rate broadband subsidies to certify they block social media platforms on school networks (Sec. 202), which could reduce demand for broadband services in educational settings and impose compliance costs on telecom providers that support E-rate funded networks.
For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Sen. Schatz, Brian [D-HI])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
AI Analysis:
"The bill directly addresses the adolescent mental‑health and loneliness concerns cited in the Project 2025 FTC section by imposing age‑based access limits, banning personalized recommendation systems for minors, and tasking the FTC with enforcement, thereby implementing the policy’s objectives."
— 881 — Federal Trade Commission 17. Jean M. Twenge, Jonathan Haidt, Andrew B. Blake, Cooper McAllister, Hannah Lemon, and Astrid Le Roy, “Worldwide Increases in Adolescent Loneliness,” Journal of Adolescence Vol. 93 (2019), pp. 257–269, https:// www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0140197121000853 (accessed March 23, 2023). 18. Jean M. Twenge, Gabrielle N. Martin, and Brian H. Spitzberg, “Trends in U.S. Adolescents’ Media Use, 1976– 2016: The Rise of Digital Media, the Decline of TV, and the (Near) Demise of Print,” Psychology of Popular Media Culture, Vol. 8, No. 4 (2019), pp. 329–345, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/327121650_ Trends_in_US_Adolescents'_Media_Use_1976-2016_The_Rise_of_Digital_Media_the_Decline_of_TV_and_ the_Near_Demise_of_Print (last visited March 21, 2023). 19. Hunt Allcott, Luca Braghieri, Sarah Eichmeyer, and Matthew Gentzkow. “The Welfare Effects of Social Media,” American Economic Review Vol. 110, No. 3 (2020), pp. 629–676; Melissa G. Hunt, Rachel Marx, Courtney Lipson, and Jordyn Young, “No More FOMO: Limiting Social Media Decreases Loneliness and Depression,” Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, Vol. 37, No. 10 (2018), pp. 751–768, https://guilfordjournals.com/doi/abs/10.1521/ jscp.2018.37.10.751 (last visited March 21, 2023). 20. The Child Online Privacy Protection Act of 1998, 15 U.S.C. § 6501. 21. The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5-TR) is the authoritative publication of the American Psychiatric Association. 22. Ceren Kurban, “World’s 22 Biggest Tech Companies of 2023,” UserGuiding Blog, March 13, 2023, available at https://userguiding.com/blog/biggest-tech-companies/. 23. Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (June 2019), available at https://openresearch-repository. anu.edu.au/bitstream/1885/276408/1/AusComp_85.pdf; UK Competition & Markets Authority, Online Platforms and Digital Advertising Market Study Final Report, July 2020, available at https://www.gov. uk/cma-cases/online-platforms-and-digital-advertising-market-study; European Union, Expert Group for the Observatory on the Online Platform Economy: Market Power and Transparency in Open Display Advertising—A Case Study, Final Reports, February 2021, available at https://digital-strategy.ec.europa.eu/en/ news/final-reports-eu-observatory-online-platform-economy. 24. St. Louis Fed, Producer Price Index by Commodity: Advertising Space and Time Sales: Internet Advertising Sales, Excluding Internet Advertising Sold by Print Publishers, available at https://fred.stlouisfed.org/ graph/?g=vtTd. 25. Allcott, supra note 19; see also Jean M. Twenge, Jonathan Haidt, Jimmy Lozano, and Kevin M. Cummins, “Specification Curve Analysis Shows that Social Media Use Is Linked to Poor Mental Health, Especially Among Girls,” Acta Psychologica, Vol. 224 (2022), p.103512, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.actpsy.2022.103512 (accessed March 23, 2023). 26. Markus Appel, Caroline Marker, and Timo Gnambs, “Are Social Media Ruining Our Lives? A Review of Meta- Analytic Evidence," Review of General Psychology, Vol. 24, No.1 (2020), pp. 60–74. 27. Leah Nylen, “How Washington Fumbled the Future,” Politico, March 16, 2021, https://www.politico.com/ news/2021/03/16/google-files-ftc-antitrust-investigation-475573 (accessed March 10, 2023). 28. Frank H. Easterbrook, “The Limits of Antitrust,” Texas Law Review, Vol. 63, No. 1 (1984), pp. 1–41, https:// chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2152&context=journal_articles (accessed March 23, 2023). 29. Allcott et al., “The Welfare Effects of Social Media.” 30. Adam Candeub, “Behavioral Economics, Internet Search, and Antitrust,” ISJLP, Vol. 9, No. 407 (2013), pp. 407–434.
AI Analysis:
"Both the bill and the Project 2025 FTC policy aim to protect children from online harms by leveraging FTC authority, addressing data privacy and mental health risks associated with social media, and advocating for stronger safeguards beyond current COPPA protections."
— 875 — Federal Trade Commission Protecting Children Online. The FTC has long protected children in a variety of different contexts. Internet platforms profit from obtaining information from children without parents’ knowledge or consent—and social media’s effect on the well-being of American children is well-documented. Around 2012, American teens experienced a dramatic decline in wellness. Depression, self-harm, suicide attempts, and suicide all increased sharply among U.S. adolescents between 2011 and 2019,16 with similar trends worldwide.17 The increase occurred at the same time that social media use moved from rare to ubiquitous among teens,18 making social media a prime suspect for the sudden rise in mental health issues among teens. In addition, excessive social media use is strongly linked to mental health issues among individuals. Several studies strongly support the notion that social media use is a cause, not just a correlation, of subjective well-being and poor mental health.19 Social media and other large platforms form millions of contracts every year with American children. And even though a minor can void most contracts into which he or she enters, most jurisdictions have laws that hold minors accountable for the benefits received under the contract. Thus, children can make enforceable contracts for which parents could end up bearing responsibility. Targeting chil- dren to create potentially harmful contracts or making parents responsible for such contractual relationships is an unfair trade practice. The FTC, therefore, has the authority, interest, and duty to protect children online from such contractual relationships. l The FTC should examine platforms’ advertising and contract- making with children as a deceptive or unfair trade practice, perhaps requiring written parental consent. Currently, the Child Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA)20 regulates the information internet firms can obtain from children. COPPA fails because it (1) only protects children under the age of 13, leaving older teenagers completely unprotected and (2) only prohibits platforms from collecting information from a child using “actual knowledge” rather than abiding by the “constructive knowledge” standard, which prohibits collecting information from a user reasonably assumed to be underage. The FTC has rulemaking authority under this statute but has done little with this authority, nor can it—given the statutory constraints. However, l The FTC can and should institute unfair trade practices proceedings against entities that enter into contracts with children without parental consent. Personal parental responsibility is, of course, key, but the law must respect, not undermine, lawful parental authority.
AI Analysis:
"Both the bill and the Project 2025 FTC section aim to protect children from online harms by empowering the FTC to regulate social media platforms, limit data collection and personalized targeting, and address the shortcomings of COPPA. They share a focus on reducing mental health risks and unfair trade practices involving minors."
— 875 — Federal Trade Commission Protecting Children Online. The FTC has long protected children in a variety of different contexts. Internet platforms profit from obtaining information from children without parents’ knowledge or consent—and social media’s effect on the well-being of American children is well-documented. Around 2012, American teens experienced a dramatic decline in wellness. Depression, self-harm, suicide attempts, and suicide all increased sharply among U.S. adolescents between 2011 and 2019,16 with similar trends worldwide.17 The increase occurred at the same time that social media use moved from rare to ubiquitous among teens,18 making social media a prime suspect for the sudden rise in mental health issues among teens. In addition, excessive social media use is strongly linked to mental health issues among individuals. Several studies strongly support the notion that social media use is a cause, not just a correlation, of subjective well-being and poor mental health.19 Social media and other large platforms form millions of contracts every year with American children. And even though a minor can void most contracts into which he or she enters, most jurisdictions have laws that hold minors accountable for the benefits received under the contract. Thus, children can make enforceable contracts for which parents could end up bearing responsibility. Targeting chil- dren to create potentially harmful contracts or making parents responsible for such contractual relationships is an unfair trade practice. The FTC, therefore, has the authority, interest, and duty to protect children online from such contractual relationships. l The FTC should examine platforms’ advertising and contract- making with children as a deceptive or unfair trade practice, perhaps requiring written parental consent. Currently, the Child Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA)20 regulates the information internet firms can obtain from children. COPPA fails because it (1) only protects children under the age of 13, leaving older teenagers completely unprotected and (2) only prohibits platforms from collecting information from a child using “actual knowledge” rather than abiding by the “constructive knowledge” standard, which prohibits collecting information from a user reasonably assumed to be underage. The FTC has rulemaking authority under this statute but has done little with this authority, nor can it—given the statutory constraints. However, l The FTC can and should institute unfair trade practices proceedings against entities that enter into contracts with children without parental consent. Personal parental responsibility is, of course, key, but the law must respect, not undermine, lawful parental authority. — 876 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Other conservatives are more skeptical concerning the effect of online expe- rience on the young, comparing the concern about social media to concern about video games, television, and bicycle safety. They point out, as does Cato fellow Jeffrey A. Singer, that the psychiatric profession has yet to designate “internet addiction” or “social media addiction” as a mental disorder in the authoritative Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5-TR).21 These con- servatives also maintain that calling for regulation undermines conservatives’ calls for parental empowerment on education or vaccines as well as personal parenting responsibility. In addition, some of the methods used to regulate children’s internet access pose the risk of unintended harms. For instance, age verification regulations would inevitably increase the amount of data collection involved, increasing privacy con- cerns. Users would have to submit to platforms proof of their age, which raises the risks of data breach or illegitimate data usage by the platforms or bad actors. Limited-government conservatives would prefer the FTC play an educational role instead. That might include best practices or educational programs to empower parents online. Antitrust Enforcement. As is evidenced by a relentless focus on bringing Big Tech lawsuits, state attorneys general (AGs) are far more responsive to their con- stituents than is the FTC. Such a “boots on the ground” approach would benefit the FTC enormously. Practically, this would mean establishing a distinct role in the FTC Chairman’s office focused on state AG cooperation and inviting state AGs to Washington, D.C., to discuss enforcement policy in key sectors under the FTC’s jurisdiction: Big Tech, hospital mergers, supermarket mergers, and so forth. FTC regional offices are substantially more in touch with local issues. Over the past few decades, the reach and influence of regional offices has shrunk dramati- cally. The FTC should consider returning authority to these offices. Some conservatives however are less supportive of this idea. Conservative enthusiasm for the idea of adding regional FTC offices to the states is a break from the majority conservative position. Endorsing the federal government as a pre- mier job creator runs counter to decades of conservative opinion that holds that New Deal agencies and subsequent government bodies should never have been created in the first place, and that their red tape and interference is a dominant cause of economic inefficiency. Republicans used to seethe when Democrats tried to move federal offices into the states. In the early 1990s, House Minority Whip Newt Gingrich fumed about Senator Robert Byrd’s campaign to transfer certain national intelligence facilities to West Virginia, calling it a “pure abuse of power.” Some contributors to this chapter would remind conservatives that the unseen mechanics of redistribution—by which taxpayer money paid to state employees is taken from taxpayers nationwide—is a drag on the economy of the entire country. Many conservatives fear that it would be impossible to uproot or even prune back
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.
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119/s/613
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119/s/1378