Kids Off Social Media Act

Download PDF
Bill ID: 119/s/278
Last Updated: May 27, 2026

Sponsored by

Sen. Schatz, Brian [D-HI]

ID: S001194

Follow the money

The bill

Kids Off Social Media Act

S. 278, 119th Congress — read as touching Big Tech Platforms.

The sponsor

Sen. Schatz, Brian [D-HI]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$68,850 raised

30 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

63% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Introduction" section, p. 908-910 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Placed on Senate Legislative Calendar under General Orders. Calendar No. 108.

June 29, 2025

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

🏛️

Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

Passed Senate

🏛️

House Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another brilliant example of legislative theater, courtesy of the esteemed members of Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?

**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The "Kids Off Social Media Act" (KOSMA) claims to protect children from the evils of social media by prohibiting users under 13 from accessing platforms and limiting personalized recommendation systems for those under 17. How quaint.

In reality, KOSMA is a thinly veiled attempt to appease concerned parents and voters while doing nothing to address the actual issues plaguing social media. It's a classic case of "legislative lip service" – all sound bites and no substance.

**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill defines "social media platform," which is laughably narrow, excluding platforms that primarily facilitate commercial transactions, teleconferencing, or educational content. This ensures that the real culprits – the ones making bank off our personal data – remain untouched.

KOSMA also prohibits personalized recommendation systems for minors, but only if the platform "knows" the user is a child. Ah, the old "we didn't know" defense. How convenient.

**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The usual suspects are affected: social media platforms (but not really), parents, and children. However, the real stakeholders – the ones with deep pockets and lobbying power – will likely remain unscathed.

**Potential Impact & Implications:** KOSMA's impact will be negligible, as it fails to address the root causes of social media's problems. It won't curb data collection, reduce online harassment, or promote digital literacy. Instead, it will create a false sense of security among parents and voters, allowing lawmakers to claim they've "done something" about the issue.

In reality, KOSMA is a Band-Aid on a bullet wound. It's a distraction from the real issues, designed to keep the public pacified while politicians collect campaign donations from tech giants and lobbyists.

Diagnosis: This bill suffers from a severe case of "Legislative Attention Deficit Disorder" (LADD). Symptoms include:

* A lack of understanding of the underlying problems * A focus on superficial solutions rather than meaningful change * An overreliance on buzzwords and sound bites * A complete disregard for the actual stakeholders involved

Treatment: A healthy dose of skepticism, a strong critical thinking regimen, and a willingness to confront the real issues head-on. Unfortunately, these are not qualities commonly found in our esteemed lawmakers.

Prognosis: KOSMA will likely pass with flying colors, only to be met with widespread indifference and ineffectiveness. The social media landscape will continue to evolve, and the problems will persist. But hey, at least our politicians can claim they tried – right?

Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Sen. Schatz, Brian [D-HI]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$68,850
21 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$49,050
Committees
$0
Individuals
$19,800

No PAC contributions found

1
OTOE MISSOURIA TRIBE OF OKLAHOMA
2 transactions
$6,600
2
HABEMATOLEL POMO OF UPPER LAKE
2 transactions
$6,600
3
TURTLE MOUNTAIN BAND OF CHIPPEWA
2 transactions
$6,600
4
CHEROKEE NATION
2 transactions
$5,000
5
CATAWBA INDIAN NATION
1 transaction
$3,300
6
SENECA NATION OF INDIANS
1 transaction
$3,300
7
PASCUA YAQUI TRIBE
1 transaction
$3,300
8
COWLITZ INDIAN TRIBE
1 transaction
$3,000
9
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
2 transactions
$2,300
10
ONEIDA NATION
2 transactions
$2,000
11
CHOCTAW NATION OF OKLAHOMA
2 transactions
$1,050
12
SALT RIVER PIMA MARICOPA INDIAN COMMUNITY
1 transaction
$1,000
13
COLORADO RIVER INDIAN TRIBES
1 transaction
$1,000
14
MUSCOGEE CREEK NATION
1 transaction
$1,000
15
SUQUAMISH INDIAN TRIBE
1 transaction
$1,000
16
TOHONO O'ODHAM NATION
1 transaction
$1,000
17
MUCKLESHOOT INDIAN TRIBE
1 transaction
$1,000

No committee contributions found

1
ZHAO, PENG
2 transactions
$6,600
2
CHEN, YU
2 transactions
$6,600
3
WINFREY, CHRISTOPHER
1 transaction
$3,300
4
ELLEN, DAVID
1 transaction
$3,300

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 10 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Sen. Cruz, Ted [R-TX]

ID: C001098

Top Contributors

10

1
WINRED
PACARLINGTON, VA
$1,167,293
Nov 1, 2024
2
WINRED
PACARLINGTON, VA
$330,599
Nov 5, 2024
3
FASKEN MANAGEMENT
OrganizationMIDLAND, TX
$10,000
May 24, 2023
4
REPUBLICAN PARTY OF HARRISON COUNTY
OrganizationMARSHALL, TX
$4,000
Oct 16, 2024
5
FOLAD ENTERPRISES LLC
OrganizationPINELLAS PARK, FL
$2,000
May 20, 2024
6
BALCH & BINGHAM LLP
OrganizationBIRMINGHAM, AL
$1,000
May 20, 2024
7
PARTNERS HOTEL GROUP LLC
OrganizationMURPHY, TX
$1,000
Jun 7, 2023
8
KHAT INVESTMENS LLC
OrganizationMIDLAND, TX
$1,000
Jun 30, 2023
9
PJB INVESTMENT ADVISORS LLC
OrganizationADDISON, TX
$800
May 1, 2024
10
GRANT MORELAND LP LLC
OrganizationGILMER, TX
$750
Sep 19, 2024

Sen. Murphy, Christopher [D-CT]

ID: M001169

Top Contributors

10

1
MASHANTUCKET PEQUOT TRIBAL NATION
OrganizationMASHANTUCKET, CT
$3,300
Nov 4, 2024
2
SAC & FOX TRIBE OF THE MISSISSIPPI IN IOWA
OrganizationTAMA, IA
$2,500
Nov 5, 2024
3
MOHEGAN TRIBE OF INDIANS OF CONNECTICUT
OrganizationUNCASVILLE, CT
$2,000
Mar 30, 2023
4
MORRILL, WILLIAM
NOT EMPLOYEDRETIRED
IndividualSALISBURY, CT
$13,200
Feb 15, 2023
5
REIMERS, LINDSAY
NONENONE
IndividualDENVER, CO
$13,200
Feb 27, 2023
6
COGUT, ELLEN FAYE
NOT EMPLOYEDNOT EMPLOYED
IndividualSOUTH KENT, CT
$10,200
Feb 15, 2023
7
CANFIELD, JOHN
BLUEARC.AICOFOUNDER & CEO
IndividualSAN CARLOS, CA
$6,600
Oct 30, 2023
8
GATES III, WILLIAM H.
BILL & MELINDA GATES FOUNDATIONPHILANTHROPIST
IndividualREDMOND, WA
$6,600
Oct 19, 2023
9
GUFF, ANDREW
SIGULER GUFF & COMPANY LPINVESTOR
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$6,600
Nov 21, 2023
10
HABER, WILLIAM
SAVE THE CHILDRENRETIRED
IndividualWESTPORT, CT
$6,600
Oct 11, 2023

Sen. Britt, Katie Boyd [R-AL]

ID: B001319

Top Contributors

10

1
POARCH BAND OF CREEK INDIANS
OrganizationATMORE, AL
$3,300
Sep 14, 2023
2
POARCH BAND OF CREEK INDIANS
OrganizationATMORE, AL
$3,300
Oct 11, 2024
3
CHEROKEE NATION
OrganizationTAHLEQUAH, OK
$2,500
Oct 29, 2024
4
HUNTON ANDREWS KURTH LLP
OrganizationRICHMOND, VA
$1,000
Jul 25, 2024
5
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$1,000
May 1, 2024
6
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$1,000
Nov 9, 2023
7
STRONG, MIRANDA
CALISTADIRECTOR OF GOVERNMENT RELATIONS
IndividualANCHORAGE, AK
$5,000
Sep 20, 2023
8
STEPHENS, TYLER
FIERCE GOVERNMENT RELATIONSLOBBYIST
IndividualWASHINGTON, DC
$3,300
Jul 1, 2023
9
SINGER, PAUL
ELLIOTT INVESTMENT MANAGEMENTCO-CEO, CO-CIO, PRESIDENT
IndividualPALM BEACH, FL
$3,300
Jul 6, 2023
10
SINGER, PAUL
ELLIOTT INVESTMENT MANAGEMENTCO-CEO, CO-CIO, PRESIDENT
IndividualPALM BEACH, FL
$3,300
Jul 9, 2023

Sen. Welch, Peter [D-VT]

ID: W000800

Top Contributors

10

1
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$1,000
Jun 8, 2023
2
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$1,000
May 3, 2024
3
FIELD, MARSHALL
THE OLD MOUNTAIN COMPANY, INC.EXECUTIVE
IndividualCHICAGO, IL
$3,300
May 18, 2023
4
RECHNITZ, JOAN
IndividualRED BANK, NJ
$3,300
Apr 22, 2024
5
RECHNITZ, JOAN
IndividualRED BANK, NJ
$3,300
Apr 22, 2024
6
GORDON, PATRICIA
SELFMD
IndividualLOS ANGELES, CA
$3,300
May 22, 2024
7
STILLER, ROBERT
NOT EMPLOYEDNOT EMPLOYED
IndividualPALM BEACH, FL
$3,300
Sep 22, 2024
8
STILLER, ROBERT
NOT EMPLOYEDNOT EMPLOYED
IndividualPALM BEACH, FL
$3,300
Sep 22, 2024
9
KALKUT, CRAIG
WEST FRONT STRATEGIESGOVERNMENT AFFAIRS
IndividualWASHINGTON, DC
$2,500
May 3, 2023
10
SCHWARTZ, MARTIN
MINILEC SERVICECONSUMER ELECTRONICS
IndividualCARMEL, CA
$2,000
May 18, 2023

Sen. Budd, Ted [R-NC]

ID: B001305

Top Contributors

10

1
MACFARLANE, RON
IndividualBUFFALO GROVE, IL
$13,068
Apr 10, 2024
2
HEGYI, ALBERT P MR.
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$6,600
Dec 31, 2024
3
NAZIROV, ATABEK
UZDIFCEO
IndividualCHARLOTTE, NC
$6,600
Sep 14, 2023
4
NAZIROV, ATABEK
IndividualCHARLOTTE, NC
$6,600
Sep 26, 2023
5
FROST, BRANT IV
SELF-EMPLOYEDFINANCIAL SERVICES
IndividualNEWNAN, GA
$3,300
Dec 31, 2024
6
FROST, KRISTA
HOMEMAKERHOMEMAKER
IndividualNEWNAN, GA
$3,300
Dec 31, 2024
7
TAYLOR, WILLIAM MR.
VETERANS GUARDIAN VA CLAIM CONSULTINGBUSINESS OWNER
IndividualPINEHURST, NC
$3,300
Dec 7, 2023
8
TAYLOR, WILLIAM MR.
VETERANS GUARDIAN VA CLAIM CONSULTINGBUSINESS OWNER
IndividualPINEHURST, NC
$3,300
Dec 7, 2023
9
GREENBLATT, SCOTT MR.
VETERANS GUARDIANCEO
IndividualPINEHURST, NC
$3,300
Dec 8, 2023
10
GREENBLATT, SCOTT MR.
VETERANS GUARDIANCEO
IndividualPINEHURST, NC
$3,300
Dec 8, 2023

Sen. King, Angus S., Jr. [I-ME]

ID: K000383

Top Contributors

10

1
2120 SEA ISLAND LLC
OrganizationRIVER FOREST, IL
$3,300
Oct 26, 2023
2
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$3,300
May 22, 2024
3
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$2,000
Mar 29, 2024
4
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$1,300
May 22, 2024
5
SMITH, BRAD
MICROSOFT CORPORATIONATTORNEY
IndividualBELLEVUE, WA
$6,600
Feb 13, 2024
6
SMITH, BRAD
IndividualBELLEVUE, WA
$6,600
Feb 20, 2024
7
DOWNEY, NANCY A.
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$5,000
Sep 4, 2024
8
DOWNEY, NANCY A.
NOT EMPLOYEDRETIRED
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$5,000
Aug 31, 2024
9
OTTEN, LESLIE B.
AMERICAN SKIING COMPANYOWNER
IndividualBETHEL, ME
$5,000
Oct 4, 2024
10
BEKENSTEIN, ANITA
NOT EMPLOYEDRETIRED
IndividualWAYLAND, MA
$3,300
Oct 24, 2024

Sen. Curtis, John R. [R-UT]

ID: C001114

Top Contributors

10

1
KELLER INVESTMENTS PROPERTIES
OrganizationCENTERVILLE, UT
$29,800
Dec 31, 2023
2
SUQUAMISH INDIAN TRIBE
OrganizationSUQUAMISH, WA
$1,000
Aug 14, 2024
3
TENNIS & SUN LC
OrganizationSALT LAKE CITY, UT
$1,000
Jun 10, 2024
4
BGR GOVERNMENT AFFAIRS, LLC
OrganizationWASHINGTON, DC
$1,000
Mar 25, 2024
5
FUGAL COMMERCIAL SERVICES INC
OrganizationSALT LAKE CITY, UT
$1,000
Sep 13, 2023
6
STEEL, SHAWN
STEEL & EISNER, LLPATTORNEY
IndividualSURFSIDE, CA
$10,000
Mar 25, 2024
7
STEEL, SHAWN
STEEL & EISNER, LLPATTORNEY
IndividualSURFSIDE, CA
$10,000
Mar 25, 2024
8
BAKER, PAUL
RETIREDRETIRED
IndividualTUCSON, AZ
$6,600
Jun 5, 2024
9
BAKER, PAUL
RETIREDRETIRED
IndividualTUCSON, AZ
$6,600
Jun 5, 2024
10
BERKLEY, WILLIAM
WRBCCHAIRMAN
IndividualKEY LARGO, FL
$6,600
Jun 7, 2024

Sen. Warner, Mark R. [D-VA]

ID: W000805

Top Contributors

10

1
AMERICAN HEALTHCARE, LLC
OrganizationROANOKE, VA
$5,300
Sep 25, 2024
2
CHOCTAW NATION OF OKLAHOMA
OrganizationDURANT, OK
$600
Sep 28, 2023
3
CHOCTAW NATION OF OKLAHOMA
OrganizationDURANT, OK
$400
Sep 28, 2023
4
DEKKER, DAVID T.
PILLSBURYVICE CHAIR
IndividualBETHESDA, MD
$9,900
Dec 31, 2024
5
TULL, THOMAS
TULCOCEO
IndividualLOS ANGELES, CA
$6,000
Nov 21, 2024
6
SWARTZ, SUSAN
SELF EMPLOYEDARTIST
IndividualPARK CITY, UT
$3,300
Jul 31, 2023
7
MATNEY, JOHN
RAPOCA ENERGY COMPANYPARTNER
IndividualBRISTOL, VA
$3,300
Aug 29, 2023
8
MILLONES, PETER
BOOKING HOLDINGS INC.ATTORNEY
IndividualDARIEN, CT
$3,300
Sep 29, 2023
9
MATNEY, JUSTIN K
SELF EMPLOYEDBUSINESS OWNER
IndividualBRISTOL, VA
$3,300
Aug 29, 2023
10
MATNEY, JOHN
RAPOCA ENERGY COMPANYPARTNER
IndividualBRISTOL, VA
$3,300
Aug 29, 2023

Sen. Fetterman, John [D-PA]

ID: F000479

Top Contributors

10

1
CHEROKEE NATION
OrganizationTAHLEQUAH, OK
$2,000
Feb 9, 2024
2
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$1,000
Nov 29, 2023
3
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$1,000
Jun 18, 2024
4
SIMMS, RONALD
RONALD SIMMS REAL ESTATEPRINCIPAL
IndividualBEVERLY HILLS, CA
$6,700
Jun 18, 2024
5
SIMMS, RONALD
IndividualBEVERLY HILLS, CA
$3,400
Aug 15, 2024
6
ADLERSTEIN, ARI
SELF EMPLOYEDFINANCIAL ADVISOR
IndividualMERION STATION, PA
$3,300
Dec 12, 2024
7
GOLDMAN, AMIR
SUSQUEHANNA INTERNATIONAL GROUPVENTURE CAPITALIST
IndividualBALA CYNWYD, PA
$3,300
Oct 6, 2024
8
GOLDMAN, AMIR
SUSQUEHANNA INTERNATIONAL GROUPVENTURE CAPITALIST
IndividualBALA CYNWYD, PA
$3,300
Oct 6, 2024
9
LEPRINO, TERRY
LEPRINO FOODSOWNER
IndividualDENVER, CO
$3,300
Nov 1, 2024
10
MAYER, ABRAHAM
AFTON PROPERTIESPRINCIPAL
IndividualLOS ANGELES, CA
$3,300
Dec 12, 2024

Sen. Slotkin, Elissa [D-MI]

ID: S001208

Top Contributors

10

1
MATCH-E-BE-NASH-SHE-WISH BAND OF POTTAWATOMI INDIANS
OrganizationSHELBYVILLE, MI
$3,300
Oct 31, 2024
2
SAULT STE. MARIE TRIBE OF CHIPPEWA INDIANS
OrganizationSAULT SAINTE MARIE, MI
$3,300
Oct 31, 2024
3
CHEROKEE NATION
OrganizationTAHLEQUAH, OK
$3,300
Dec 31, 2023
4
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$3,300
Mar 21, 2024
5
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$3,300
Jun 30, 2024
6
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$3,300
Jun 10, 2024
7
MASHANTUCKET PEQUOT TRIBAL NATION
OrganizationMASHANTUCKET, CT
$3,300
Sep 29, 2023
8
MATCH-E-BE-NASH-SHE-WISH BAND OF POTTAWATOMI INDIANS
OrganizationSHELBYVILLE, MI
$3,300
Sep 29, 2023
9
SEMINOLE TRIBE OF FLORIDA
OrganizationHOLLYWOOD, FL
$3,300
Sep 29, 2023
10
HABEMATOLEL POMO OF UPPER LAKE
OrganizationUPPER LAKE, CA
$3,300
Sep 27, 2024

Donor Network - Sen. Schatz, Brian [D-HI]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 85 nodes and 45 connections (89 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $1,625,210

Top Donors - Sen. Schatz, Brian [D-HI]

Showing top 21 donors by contribution amount

17 Orgs4 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 2 harmed.

  • Big Tech Platformsconfidence 0.95

    The bill prohibits social media platforms from allowing users under 13 to create accounts (Sec. 103) and bans personalized recommendation systems for users under 17 (Sec. 104), directly restricting core business models of major social media companies like Meta, Google/YouTube, TikTok, etc., which rely on user engagement and data-driven ad targeting.

  • Telecommunicationsconfidence 0.80

    The bill amends the Children's Internet Protection Act (CIPA) to require schools receiving E-rate broadband subsidies to certify they block social media platforms on school networks (Sec. 202), which could reduce demand for broadband services in educational settings and impose compliance costs on telecom providers that support E-rate funded networks.

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Sen. Schatz, Brian [D-HI])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HARMS

  • from 19 contributions
    • WINFREY, CHRISTOPHER$5,800
    • ELLEN, DAVID$5,800
    • RUTLEDGE, THOMAS M.$5,800
    • DEGERONIMO, RICH$2,500
    • FISCHER, JESSICA$2,500

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.

Introduction

Moderate62.8%
Pages: 908-910

— 875 — Federal Trade Commission Protecting Children Online. The FTC has long protected children in a variety of different contexts. Internet platforms profit from obtaining information from children without parents’ knowledge or consent—and social media’s effect on the well-being of American children is well-documented. Around 2012, American teens experienced a dramatic decline in wellness. Depression, self-harm, suicide attempts, and suicide all increased sharply among U.S. adolescents between 2011 and 2019,16 with similar trends worldwide.17 The increase occurred at the same time that social media use moved from rare to ubiquitous among teens,18 making social media a prime suspect for the sudden rise in mental health issues among teens. In addition, excessive social media use is strongly linked to mental health issues among individuals. Several studies strongly support the notion that social media use is a cause, not just a correlation, of subjective well-being and poor mental health.19 Social media and other large platforms form millions of contracts every year with American children. And even though a minor can void most contracts into which he or she enters, most jurisdictions have laws that hold minors accountable for the benefits received under the contract. Thus, children can make enforceable contracts for which parents could end up bearing responsibility. Targeting chil- dren to create potentially harmful contracts or making parents responsible for such contractual relationships is an unfair trade practice. The FTC, therefore, has the authority, interest, and duty to protect children online from such contractual relationships. l The FTC should examine platforms’ advertising and contract- making with children as a deceptive or unfair trade practice, perhaps requiring written parental consent. Currently, the Child Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA)20 regulates the information internet firms can obtain from children. COPPA fails because it (1) only protects children under the age of 13, leaving older teenagers completely unprotected and (2) only prohibits platforms from collecting information from a child using “actual knowledge” rather than abiding by the “constructive knowledge” standard, which prohibits collecting information from a user reasonably assumed to be underage. The FTC has rulemaking authority under this statute but has done little with this authority, nor can it—given the statutory constraints. However, l The FTC can and should institute unfair trade practices proceedings against entities that enter into contracts with children without parental consent. Personal parental responsibility is, of course, key, but the law must respect, not undermine, lawful parental authority. — 876 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Other conservatives are more skeptical concerning the effect of online expe- rience on the young, comparing the concern about social media to concern about video games, television, and bicycle safety. They point out, as does Cato fellow Jeffrey A. Singer, that the psychiatric profession has yet to designate “internet addiction” or “social media addiction” as a mental disorder in the authoritative Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5-TR).21 These con- servatives also maintain that calling for regulation undermines conservatives’ calls for parental empowerment on education or vaccines as well as personal parenting responsibility. In addition, some of the methods used to regulate children’s internet access pose the risk of unintended harms. For instance, age verification regulations would inevitably increase the amount of data collection involved, increasing privacy con- cerns. Users would have to submit to platforms proof of their age, which raises the risks of data breach or illegitimate data usage by the platforms or bad actors. Limited-government conservatives would prefer the FTC play an educational role instead. That might include best practices or educational programs to empower parents online. Antitrust Enforcement. As is evidenced by a relentless focus on bringing Big Tech lawsuits, state attorneys general (AGs) are far more responsive to their con- stituents than is the FTC. Such a “boots on the ground” approach would benefit the FTC enormously. Practically, this would mean establishing a distinct role in the FTC Chairman’s office focused on state AG cooperation and inviting state AGs to Washington, D.C., to discuss enforcement policy in key sectors under the FTC’s jurisdiction: Big Tech, hospital mergers, supermarket mergers, and so forth. FTC regional offices are substantially more in touch with local issues. Over the past few decades, the reach and influence of regional offices has shrunk dramati- cally. The FTC should consider returning authority to these offices. Some conservatives however are less supportive of this idea. Conservative enthusiasm for the idea of adding regional FTC offices to the states is a break from the majority conservative position. Endorsing the federal government as a pre- mier job creator runs counter to decades of conservative opinion that holds that New Deal agencies and subsequent government bodies should never have been created in the first place, and that their red tape and interference is a dominant cause of economic inefficiency. Republicans used to seethe when Democrats tried to move federal offices into the states. In the early 1990s, House Minority Whip Newt Gingrich fumed about Senator Robert Byrd’s campaign to transfer certain national intelligence facilities to West Virginia, calling it a “pure abuse of power.” Some contributors to this chapter would remind conservatives that the unseen mechanics of redistribution—by which taxpayer money paid to state employees is taken from taxpayers nationwide—is a drag on the economy of the entire country. Many conservatives fear that it would be impossible to uproot or even prune back

Introduction

Moderate62.8%
Pages: 908-910

— 875 — Federal Trade Commission Protecting Children Online. The FTC has long protected children in a variety of different contexts. Internet platforms profit from obtaining information from children without parents’ knowledge or consent—and social media’s effect on the well-being of American children is well-documented. Around 2012, American teens experienced a dramatic decline in wellness. Depression, self-harm, suicide attempts, and suicide all increased sharply among U.S. adolescents between 2011 and 2019,16 with similar trends worldwide.17 The increase occurred at the same time that social media use moved from rare to ubiquitous among teens,18 making social media a prime suspect for the sudden rise in mental health issues among teens. In addition, excessive social media use is strongly linked to mental health issues among individuals. Several studies strongly support the notion that social media use is a cause, not just a correlation, of subjective well-being and poor mental health.19 Social media and other large platforms form millions of contracts every year with American children. And even though a minor can void most contracts into which he or she enters, most jurisdictions have laws that hold minors accountable for the benefits received under the contract. Thus, children can make enforceable contracts for which parents could end up bearing responsibility. Targeting chil- dren to create potentially harmful contracts or making parents responsible for such contractual relationships is an unfair trade practice. The FTC, therefore, has the authority, interest, and duty to protect children online from such contractual relationships. l The FTC should examine platforms’ advertising and contract- making with children as a deceptive or unfair trade practice, perhaps requiring written parental consent. Currently, the Child Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA)20 regulates the information internet firms can obtain from children. COPPA fails because it (1) only protects children under the age of 13, leaving older teenagers completely unprotected and (2) only prohibits platforms from collecting information from a child using “actual knowledge” rather than abiding by the “constructive knowledge” standard, which prohibits collecting information from a user reasonably assumed to be underage. The FTC has rulemaking authority under this statute but has done little with this authority, nor can it—given the statutory constraints. However, l The FTC can and should institute unfair trade practices proceedings against entities that enter into contracts with children without parental consent. Personal parental responsibility is, of course, key, but the law must respect, not undermine, lawful parental authority.

Introduction

Moderate62.2%
Pages: 908-910

— 876 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Other conservatives are more skeptical concerning the effect of online expe- rience on the young, comparing the concern about social media to concern about video games, television, and bicycle safety. They point out, as does Cato fellow Jeffrey A. Singer, that the psychiatric profession has yet to designate “internet addiction” or “social media addiction” as a mental disorder in the authoritative Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5-TR).21 These con- servatives also maintain that calling for regulation undermines conservatives’ calls for parental empowerment on education or vaccines as well as personal parenting responsibility. In addition, some of the methods used to regulate children’s internet access pose the risk of unintended harms. For instance, age verification regulations would inevitably increase the amount of data collection involved, increasing privacy con- cerns. Users would have to submit to platforms proof of their age, which raises the risks of data breach or illegitimate data usage by the platforms or bad actors. Limited-government conservatives would prefer the FTC play an educational role instead. That might include best practices or educational programs to empower parents online. Antitrust Enforcement. As is evidenced by a relentless focus on bringing Big Tech lawsuits, state attorneys general (AGs) are far more responsive to their con- stituents than is the FTC. Such a “boots on the ground” approach would benefit the FTC enormously. Practically, this would mean establishing a distinct role in the FTC Chairman’s office focused on state AG cooperation and inviting state AGs to Washington, D.C., to discuss enforcement policy in key sectors under the FTC’s jurisdiction: Big Tech, hospital mergers, supermarket mergers, and so forth. FTC regional offices are substantially more in touch with local issues. Over the past few decades, the reach and influence of regional offices has shrunk dramati- cally. The FTC should consider returning authority to these offices. Some conservatives however are less supportive of this idea. Conservative enthusiasm for the idea of adding regional FTC offices to the states is a break from the majority conservative position. Endorsing the federal government as a pre- mier job creator runs counter to decades of conservative opinion that holds that New Deal agencies and subsequent government bodies should never have been created in the first place, and that their red tape and interference is a dominant cause of economic inefficiency. Republicans used to seethe when Democrats tried to move federal offices into the states. In the early 1990s, House Minority Whip Newt Gingrich fumed about Senator Robert Byrd’s campaign to transfer certain national intelligence facilities to West Virginia, calling it a “pure abuse of power.” Some contributors to this chapter would remind conservatives that the unseen mechanics of redistribution—by which taxpayer money paid to state employees is taken from taxpayers nationwide—is a drag on the economy of the entire country. Many conservatives fear that it would be impossible to uproot or even prune back — 877 — Federal Trade Commission a bureaucracy the seeds of which have been planted in every state. State legislators would struggle to slash funding from agencies that employ and generously pay thousands of their constituents. FTC outposts would tie middle America inex- tricably to big progressive government, remaking the heartland in Washington’s image. It would be anything but decentralization; Americans need policy makers to discipline the arrogance that prevails inside the Beltway, not spread it. It would be “Swamp 2.0”: just as deep and many times as wide. Big Tech and Antitrust. The large internet platforms have transformed the U.S. economy, streamlining consumer purchases, networking billions of people, and altering long-established business practices. Despite their enormous size, they have avoided significant antitrust liability or prosecution. The reasons for this are not entirely clear. It may be because these platforms have been incredibly innovative and have generated tremendous efficiencies for our society, with little to no evidence of traditional consumer harm in the form of higher prices, reduced output, or a lack of innovation. Also, Americans report a high level of satisfaction in and trust regard- ing these companies. The less friendly regulatory environment in the European Union would make a good case study in expansive antitrust law. The continent boasts not one of the top 10 global tech companies, while the U.S. can claim eight.22 Some claim that the recent drop in value of former leader and current antitrust target Meta, along with the rise of new competitors such as Zoom and Chinese-dominated TikTok, indicates that competitive forces are healthy and at work benefiting consumers in the tech space. On the other hand, the platforms challenge traditional economic thinking because arguably the firm structure they employ is radically different, and they create different competition dynamics. First, there is some evidence that the major internet platforms have market power, resulting in increased prices for advertis- ers, costs that very well could be passed onto consumers. For instance, numerous government studies have found evidence of market power.23 And while some data show declining advertising costs, they also show increasing prices in this decade.24 Second, while consumers may report that they like social media, hedonics tells a different story, suggesting that social media and other online activities diminish human happiness. This evidence, while mixed at first,25 appears to have become quite solid: Social media makes Americans less happy.26 Third, internet platforms have not created consumer price increases, but of course they provide free services—and this creates a challenge for antitrust regu- lation. For decades, antitrust economics has been focused on a paradigm in which firm and consumer behavior are modeled as functions of price and output as the primary variables. It may very well be that these models do not fully capture the effect of technologies that enable increasing returns to scale based on data, such

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.

Full Policy Text

Related Bills