Dakota Water Resources Act Amendments of 2026

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Bill ID: 119/s/4040
Last Updated: June 10, 2026

Sponsored by

Sen. Hoeven, John [R-ND]

ID: H001061

Follow the money

The bill

Dakota Water Resources Act Amendments of 2026

S. 4040, 119th Congress — read as touching Construction & Engineering.

The sponsor

Sen. Hoeven, John [R-ND]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$62,450 raised

24 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

60% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Introduction" section, p. 40-42 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Committee on Energy and Natural Resources. Ordered to be reported without amendment favorably.

June 9, 2026

Introduced

Committee Review

Floor Action

📍 Current Status

Next: The full Senate will vote on whether to pass the bill.

Passed Senate

🏛️

House Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterclass in legislative legerdemain, brought to you by the esteemed members of Congress. Let's dissect this monstrosity, shall we?

**Diagnosis:** This bill is a classic case of "Watered-Down Pork-Barrel Syndrome" (WD-PBS), characterized by an alarming lack of transparency and a surfeit of self-serving allocations.

**Symptoms:**

1. **Total funding amounts:** A whopping $637 million in new authorizations, because who needs fiscal responsibility when you can just throw money at pet projects? 2. **Key programs and agencies receiving funds:** The Bureau of Reclamation gets the lion's share, because what's a water bill without some good old-fashioned pork for the home state(s) of the sponsoring senators? North Dakota rural water districts also get a nice chunk of change, no doubt to benefit the constituents of our intrepid sponsors. 3. **Notable increases or decreases:** A 50% increase in funding for certain projects, because who needs accountability when you can just inflate the budget? 4. **Riders and policy provisions:** Oh boy, where do I even start? There's a lovely little clause allowing for transfers between projects, ensuring that no one actually has to be accountable for how the money is spent. And let's not forget the "final engineering reports" provision, which essentially gives the Secretary carte blanche to spend as much as they want on whatever they deem necessary. 5. **Fiscal impact and deficit implications:** Don't worry about it; we'll just add it to the national credit card. After all, what's a few hundred million dollars in debt when you can buy some votes with pork-barrel spending?

**Treatment:** A healthy dose of skepticism, followed by a strong prescription of transparency and accountability. But let's be real, folks, this bill is a lost cause. It's just another example of our esteemed lawmakers using the appropriations process to line their own pockets and curry favor with special interests.

In conclusion, S 4040 is a textbook case of WD-PBS, characterized by its opaque language, self-serving allocations, and blatant disregard for fiscal responsibility. But hey, who needs good governance when you can just throw money at problems and hope they go away?

Related Topics

Water & Air Quality RegulationsFederal Budget & AppropriationsPublic Lands & Natural Resources
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Sen. Hoeven, John [R-ND]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$62,450
20 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$5,050
Committees
$0
Individuals
$57,400

No PAC contributions found

1
SISSETON-WAHPETON OYATE
1 transaction
$2,500
2
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
2 transactions
$2,000
3
CHOCTAW NATION OF OKLAHOMA
1 transaction
$550

No committee contributions found

1
ARTHAUD, JAMES R.
1 transaction
$5,000
2
GLYNN, RICHARD
1 transaction
$5,000
3
KELLY, RYAN
2 transactions
$5,000
4
BURNS, DAVID
2 transactions
$5,000
5
VOLK, JEFFERY
2 transactions
$5,000
6
LEPRINO, TERRY MS.
1 transaction
$3,300
7
DAVIS, ASHLEY
1 transaction
$3,300
8
ARNOLD, JOHN
1 transaction
$3,300
9
BIFFERT, KEVIN
1 transaction
$2,500
10
BUCHOLZ, KEVIN J.
1 transaction
$2,500
11
BUTLER, GREGORY
1 transaction
$2,500
12
HERMAN, DAVID DR.
1 transaction
$2,500
13
KOPSENG, LOREN R.
1 transaction
$2,500
14
MATTHAEI, WILLIAM
1 transaction
$2,500
15
BACHMEIER, GERALD
1 transaction
$2,500
16
JORDAN, PAUL
1 transaction
$2,500
17
WASLASKI, SHANE
1 transaction
$2,500

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 2 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Sen. Padilla, Alex [D-CA]

ID: P000145

Top Contributors

10

1
CHEROKEE NATION
OrganizationTAHLEQUAH, OK
$5,000
Dec 24, 2024
2
MOORETOWN RANCHERIA
OrganizationOROVILLE, CA
$3,300
Oct 7, 2024
3
TOLOWA DEE-NI' NATION
OrganizationSMITH RIVER, CA
$3,300
May 7, 2024
4
TULE RIVER TRIBAL COUNCIL
OrganizationPORTERVILLE, CA
$3,300
Aug 12, 2024
5
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$2,500
Nov 22, 2023
6
ONEIDA NATION
OrganizationONEIDA, WI
$1,000
Oct 3, 2023
7
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$1,000
Jun 5, 2023
8
ONEIDA INDIAN NATION
OrganizationONEIDA, WI
$1,000
Jun 21, 2024
9
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$1,000
May 16, 2024
10
KIMBER, SHELDON
INTERSECT POWERCEO
IndividualTRUCKEE, CA
$5,000
Apr 27, 2023

Sen. Cramer, Kevin [R-ND]

ID: C001096

Top Contributors

10

1
POARCH BAND OF CREEK INDIANS
OrganizationATMORE, AL
$3,300
Sep 29, 2023
2
POARCH BAND OF CREEK INDIANS
OrganizationATMORE, AL
$3,300
Jun 14, 2024
3
SISSETON-WAHPETON OYATE
OrganizationAGENCY VILLAGE, SD
$2,500
Jun 21, 2024
4
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$1,000
Jun 18, 2024
5
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$600
Jun 6, 2023
6
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$400
Jun 6, 2023
7
WALSH, RICHARD
IndividualLAKE WORTH BEACH, FL
$6,700
Oct 16, 2024
8
JORDAN, BORIS
CURALEAFEXECUTIVE CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD
IndividualBOCA RATON, FL
$6,600
Sep 15, 2023
9
SMITH, BRAD
MICROSOFT CORPORATIONATTORNEY
IndividualBELLEVUE, WA
$6,600
Sep 29, 2023
10
KAPLAN, DAVID
ARES MANAGEMENTCO-FOUNDER
IndividualLOS ANGELES, CA
$6,600
Oct 11, 2023

Donor Network - Sen. Hoeven, John [R-ND]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 46 nodes and 30 connections (43 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $83,150

Top Donors - Sen. Hoeven, John [R-ND]

Showing top 20 donors by contribution amount

3 Orgs17 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 helped.

  • Section 2(b)(1)(D) authorizes $120M for Northwest Area Water Supply Biota Water Treatment Plant and Pump Station Project, $404M for McClusky Canal and Missouri River North Alternative, $50M for Southwest Pipeline Project (including raw water intake, pump station, transmission line upgrades, strategic hydraulic improvements, rural distribution expansion), and $63M for North Dakota rural water districts for water treatment and rural distribution expansion. These funds are for water infrastructure

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.

Introduction

Moderate60.1%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes;

Introduction

Moderate60.1%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes; — 8 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Bureaucrats at the Department of Homeland Security, following the lead of a feckless Administration, order border and immigration enforcement agencies to help migrants criminally enter our country with impunity; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Education inject racist, anti-American, ahistorical propaganda into America’s classrooms; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Justice force school districts to undermine girls’ sports and parents’ rights to satisfy transgender extremists; l Woke bureaucrats at the Pentagon force troops to attend “training” seminars about “white privilege”; and l Bureaucrats at the State Department infuse U.S. foreign aid programs with woke extremism about “intersectionality” and abortion.3 Unaccountable federal spending is the secret lifeblood of the Great Awokening. Nearly every power center held by the Left is funded or supported, one way or another, through the bureaucracy by Congress. Colleges and school districts are funded by tax dollars. The Administrative State holds 100 percent of its power at the sufferance of Congress, and its insulation from presidential discipline is an unconstitutional fairy tale spun by the Washington Establishment to protect its turf. Members of Congress shield themselves from constitutional accountability often when the White House allows them to get away with it. Cultural institutions like public libraries and public health agencies are only as “independent” from public accountability as elected officials and voters permit. Let’s be clear: The most egregious regulations promulgated by the current Administration come from one place: the Oval Office. The President cannot hide behind the agencies; as his many executive orders make clear, his is the respon- sibility for the regulations that threaten American communities, schools, and families. A conservative President must move swiftly to do away with these vast abuses of presidential power and remove the career and political bureaucrats who fuel it. Properly considered, restoring fiscal limits and constitutional accountability to the federal government is a continuation of restoring national sovereignty to the American people. In foreign affairs, global strategy, federal budgeting and pol- icymaking, the same pattern emerges again and again. Ruling elites slash and tear at restrictions and accountability placed on them. They centralize power up and away from the American people: to supra-national treaties and organizations, to left-wing “experts,” to sight-unseen all-or-nothing legislating, to the unelected career bureaucrats of the Administrative State.

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.

Full Policy Text

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