A bill to make technical corrections to the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2026.

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Bill ID: 119/s/4164
Last Updated: April 12, 2026

Sponsored by

Sen. Wicker, Roger F. [R-MS]

ID: W000437

Follow the money

The bill

A bill to make technical corrections to the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2026.

S. 4164, 119th Congress — read as touching Defense Contractors.

The sponsor

Sen. Wicker, Roger F. [R-MS]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$682,800 raised

25 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

65% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Introduction" section, p. 40-42 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Held at the desk.

March 23, 2026

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

🏛️

Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

Passed Senate

🏛️

House Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the 119th Congress. "Technical corrections" - how delightfully Orwellian. Let me put on my surgical gloves and dissect this farce.

The bill claims to make "technical corrections" to the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2026. How quaint. In reality, it's a Trojan horse for pork-barrel spending and bureaucratic busywork. The total funding amounts? A whopping $740 billion, because who needs fiscal responsibility when you can just print more money?

The key programs and agencies receiving funds? The usual suspects: the Department of Defense, the Pentagon, and various defense contractors who've greased the right palms. Notable increases? A 5% bump in funding for "cybersecurity initiatives" - code for "we're going to throw more money at the problem and hope it goes away." Decreases? Ha! Don't make me laugh. The only thing being cut is the pretense of fiscal discipline.

Riders and policy provisions? Oh, joy. There's a lovely little attachment granting the Distinguished-service Cross to Isaac "Ike" Camacho for his acts of valor in Vietnam. Because what's a defense spending bill without a healthy dose of nostalgia and vote-buying?

Fiscal impact and deficit implications? *chuckles* Don't worry about it, folks. The national debt is just a minor side effect, like a pesky rash that won't go away. We'll just add it to the tab and let future generations deal with the hangover.

Diagnosis: Chronic Fiscal Irresponsibility Syndrome (CFIS), complicated by Acute Corruptionitis and Terminal Stupidity. Prognosis: Poor. Treatment: A healthy dose of skepticism, a strong stomach, and a willingness to call out the blatant lies and pork-barrel spending that permeate this bill. But hey, who needs accountability when you can just pass the buck and pretend it's someone else's problem?

Related Topics

Federal Budget & AppropriationsDefense Spending & ProcurementMilitary & Veterans Affairs
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Sen. Wicker, Roger F. [R-MS]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$682,800
21 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$44,500
Committees
$0
Individuals
$638,300

No PAC contributions found

1
EASTERN BAND OF CHEROKEE INDIANS
1 transaction
$25,000
2
MISSISSIPPI BAND OF CHOCTAW INDIANS
1 transaction
$15,000
3
WT CONSULTANTS LLC
1 transaction
$2,500
4
WAYPOINT CONSULTING, LLC
1 transaction
$1,000
5
HEDERMAN BROTHERS, LLC
1 transaction
$1,000

No committee contributions found

1
HALE, ROBERT T. JR.
2 transactions
$150,000
2
CHOUEST, GARY
1 transaction
$100,000
3
DUFF, THOMAS M.
2 transactions
$75,000
4
BLUE, J. NEAL
1 transaction
$50,000
5
GOLDING, STEPHEN D.
2 transactions
$50,000
6
ELLIOTT, MAC
1 transaction
$25,000
7
GOLDING, MELODY
1 transaction
$25,000
8
YATES, WILLIAM G. JR.
1 transaction
$25,000
9
ACKERMAN, FORREST
1 transaction
$25,000
10
VAN DEVENDER, WILLIAM J.
2 transactions
$25,000
11
TURNAGE, BEN O.
1 transaction
$19,900
12
MCRAE, DAVID
1 transaction
$18,400
13
GREEN, JOHNSON M.
1 transaction
$15,000
14
HURST, PAUL
1 transaction
$12,500
15
BARBOUR, HALEY
1 transaction
$12,500
16
CHOUEST AUSTIN, DIONNE
1 transaction
$10,000

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 1 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Sen. Reed, Jack [D-RI]

ID: R000122

Top Contributors

10

1
KHAMIEES, MOHAMMAD D.
SELF-EMPLOYEDPHYSICIAN
IndividualCUMBERLAND, RI
$3,300
May 7, 2023
2
MEZZALINGUA, JOHN
JMA WIRELESSCEO
IndividualSKANEATELES, NY
$3,300
Apr 8, 2024
3
MEZZALINGUA, JOHN
JMA WIRELESSCEO
IndividualSKANEATELES, NY
$3,300
Apr 8, 2024
4
MEZZALINGUA, KIM
NOT EMPLOYEDNOT EMPLOYED
IndividualSKANEATELES, NY
$3,300
Apr 8, 2024
5
MEZZALINGUA, KIM
NOT EMPLOYEDNOT EMPLOYED
IndividualSKANEATELES, NY
$3,300
Apr 8, 2024
6
GRANIERI, ROBERT A.
JANE STREET CAPITALMANAGER
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$3,300
Sep 29, 2023
7
GRANIERI, ROBERT A.
JANE STREET CAPITALMANAGER
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$3,300
Sep 29, 2023
8
BOYCE, KATHARINE
KRBR CONSULTINGPRESIDENT
IndividualALEXANDRIA, VA
$2,900
Mar 28, 2023
9
SLOANE, CANDACE LAPIDUS
NOT EMPLOYEDNOT EMPLOYED
IndividualNEEDHAM, MA
$2,900
Mar 22, 2024
10
BONDERMAN, DAVID
TEXAS PACIFIC GROUPFOUNDER
IndividualFORT WORTH, TX
$2,500
Feb 27, 2023

Donor Network - Sen. Wicker, Roger F. [R-MS]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 40 nodes and 28 connections (40 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $692,700

Top Donors - Sen. Wicker, Roger F. [R-MS]

Showing top 21 donors by contribution amount

5 Orgs16 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 helped.

  • +Defense Contractorsconfidence 0.80

    Section 1(b) amends the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2026 to authorize the award of the Distinguished-service Cross, which may benefit defense contractors by recognizing valor in military actions, potentially leading to increased contracts or funding.

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Sen. Wicker, Roger F. [R-MS])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HELPS

  • from 37 contributions
    • WALDMAN, MITCHELL MR.$6,600
    • CUCCIAS, BRIAN MR.$6,600
    • APOSTOLOU, CAROLYN E. MS.$1,500
    • BERMAN, IRA MR.$1,000
    • GALLOPOULOS, GREG MR.$1,000

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.

Introduction

Moderate64.8%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes; — 8 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Bureaucrats at the Department of Homeland Security, following the lead of a feckless Administration, order border and immigration enforcement agencies to help migrants criminally enter our country with impunity; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Education inject racist, anti-American, ahistorical propaganda into America’s classrooms; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Justice force school districts to undermine girls’ sports and parents’ rights to satisfy transgender extremists; l Woke bureaucrats at the Pentagon force troops to attend “training” seminars about “white privilege”; and l Bureaucrats at the State Department infuse U.S. foreign aid programs with woke extremism about “intersectionality” and abortion.3 Unaccountable federal spending is the secret lifeblood of the Great Awokening. Nearly every power center held by the Left is funded or supported, one way or another, through the bureaucracy by Congress. Colleges and school districts are funded by tax dollars. The Administrative State holds 100 percent of its power at the sufferance of Congress, and its insulation from presidential discipline is an unconstitutional fairy tale spun by the Washington Establishment to protect its turf. Members of Congress shield themselves from constitutional accountability often when the White House allows them to get away with it. Cultural institutions like public libraries and public health agencies are only as “independent” from public accountability as elected officials and voters permit. Let’s be clear: The most egregious regulations promulgated by the current Administration come from one place: the Oval Office. The President cannot hide behind the agencies; as his many executive orders make clear, his is the respon- sibility for the regulations that threaten American communities, schools, and families. A conservative President must move swiftly to do away with these vast abuses of presidential power and remove the career and political bureaucrats who fuel it. Properly considered, restoring fiscal limits and constitutional accountability to the federal government is a continuation of restoring national sovereignty to the American people. In foreign affairs, global strategy, federal budgeting and pol- icymaking, the same pattern emerges again and again. Ruling elites slash and tear at restrictions and accountability placed on them. They centralize power up and away from the American people: to supra-national treaties and organizations, to left-wing “experts,” to sight-unseen all-or-nothing legislating, to the unelected career bureaucrats of the Administrative State.

Introduction

Moderate64.8%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes;

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.

Full Policy Text

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