The bill
A bill to prohibit the transfer of certain offices and functions of the Department of Education to other Federal agencies, and for other purposes.
S. 5046, 119th Congress — read as touching For-Profit Education & Student Loans.
Sponsored by
Sen. Kaine, Tim [D-VA]
ID: K000384
Follow the money
The bill
S. 5046, 119th Congress — read as touching For-Profit Education & Student Loans.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
30 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "Department of Education" section, p. 392-394 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Placed on Senate Legislative Calendar under General Orders. Calendar No. 541.
August 3, 2026
📍 Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
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3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
**Summary of S. 5046: A Bill to Prohibit the Transfer of Certain Offices and Functions of the Department of Education to Other Federal Agencies**
**1. Main Purpose & Objectives** The stated purpose of S. 5046 is to prevent the Department of Education (ED) from outsourcing or transferring core functions of four specific offices—Special Education and Rehabilitative Services, Postsecondary Education, Indian Education, and Elementary and Secondary Education—to other federal agencies. Ostensibly, this is about preserving institutional integrity, accountability, and program effectiveness. In reality, it’s a legislative Band-Aid slapped on a hemorrhaging patient: the bill exists because politicians are terrified that unelected bureaucrats or cost-cutting zealots might quietly dismantle education programs by farming them out to agencies like HHS, Labor, or even the VA—where oversight is weaker and accountability evaporates like spit on a hot sidewalk. The real objective? To lock in the status quo and prevent any administrative efficiency (or sabotage, depending on your cynicism level) from occurring without congressional approval. It’s less about protecting students and more about preserving congressional fiefdoms and the illusion of control.
**2. Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law** The bill flatly prohibits the Secretary of Education from entering into *any* interagency agreement—whether for services, staffing, technology, grants administration, or oversight—relating to the functions of the four named ED offices. It overrides existing authorities like the Economy Act (which normally allows agencies to buy services from each other) and specific provisions of the General Education Provisions Act and the Department of Education Organization Act. Crucially, it also bans internal transfers: you can’t shuffle a program from, say, the Office of Special Education to the Office of Postsecondary Education and then farm it out to another agency—a clever loophole closure that shows someone actually read the fine print. The only exception? Agreements already in place as of February 1, 2025, can be renewed—but only if terms remain identical or “substantially similar.” Translation: no innovation, no adaptation, no response to changing circumstances. Fossilize now, question later.
**3. Affected Parties & Stakeholders** - **Department of Education staff**: Loses flexibility to streamline operations or seek better expertise elsewhere. Stuck in silos like museum exhibits. - **State and local education agencies**: May lose access to streamlined federal support if ED can’t partner with agencies better equipped to handle certain functions (e.g., Labor for workforce training, HHS for child development). - **Grantees (schools, colleges, tribes)**: Face potential disruption if current interagency collaborations—often invisible but vital—are frozen or prohibited. - **Other federal agencies**: Barred from offering support or taking on ED functions, even if they could do it cheaper or better. - **Taxpayers**: Theoretically protected from backroom privatization or mission creep—but more likely saddled with inefficiency as ED is forced to do everything in-house, whether it’s good at it or not. - **Lobbyists and contractors**: Must now navigate a rigid, politicized procurement maze instead of exploiting interagency flexibility for profit. Cry me a river.
**4. Potential Impact & Implications** This bill assumes that the biggest threat to education policy is *too much cooperation* between federal agencies—a diagnosis so delusional it belongs in a DSM appendix. By freezing interagency work, S. 5046 risks creating redundant systems, wasting money on reinventing wheels, and slowing responses to crises (think: pandemic-era student support or disaster recovery). It prioritizes bureaucratic turf protection over outcomes. The real disease here isn’t interagency transfer—it’s congressional impotence and the fear that if you let experts actually *manage*, they might expose how little Congress knows or cares about implementation. This isn’t reform; it’s legislative rigor mortis. Pass it, and you’ll have a Department of Education that’s proudly, stubbornly, and expensively doing everything the hard way—because God forbid we let the EPA help with school indoor air quality or Labor assist with career training. Heaven forfend we actually *go
Sen. Kaine, Tim [D-VA]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
No PAC contributions found
No committee contributions found
This bill has 5 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.
ID: C001035
Top Contributors
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ID: M001153
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ID: B001230
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ID: H001076
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ID: V000128
Top Contributors
22
Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Showing 55 nodes and 80 connections
Total contributions: $80
Showing top 19 donors by contribution amount
Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 2 helped, 1 harmed.
Section 1(a) prohibits the transfer of certain offices and functions of the Department of Education to other Federal agencies, which could limit the ability of for-profit education providers to influence or participate in these functions, potentially reducing their business opportunities.
Section 1(a) protects the roles of specific Department of Education offices, which could be seen as benefiting labor unions representing employees in these offices, as their jobs and responsibilities are preserved.
Section 1(a) protects the Office of Elementary and Secondary Education, which could be seen as benefiting teachers unions, as this office's functions related to education programs and grants are preserved.
For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Sen. Kaine, Tim [D-VA])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
AI Analysis:
"The bill seeks to preserve the structural integrity of specific Department of Education offices by prohibiting their transfer to other agencies, which directly contradicts Project 2025's goal of consolidating the department and transferring most of its programs to other agencies to achieve budget savings. While both involve interagency coordination and oversight, their core objectives are opposed."
— 359 — Department of Education l The reissuing of the report on school safety from 2018 with updated information, l The release of a report to Congress on how to consolidate the department and trim nonessential employees, l A report on the negative influence of action civics on students’ understanding of history and civics and their disposition toward the United States, l An update of the Coleman report to show the impact of family structure on student achievement, l A full accounting of CARES Act education expenditures, and l A report on how many dollars make their way to the classroom in every federal education grant and program. Pursue Antitrust Against Accreditors l The President should issue an executive order pursuing antitrust against college accreditors, especially the American Bar Association (ABA). NEW POLICIES/REGULATIONS THAT REQUIRE COORDINATION WITH OTHER AGENCIES AND/OR THE WHITE HOUSE The department must coordinate any rulemaking with the White House, the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), DOJ, and other agencies that share responsibility with the department in the administration or enforcement of stat- ute, such as Titles VI and IX. Moreover, regarding regulations arising under civil rights laws administered by the department, Executive Order 12550 requires the Attorney General to approve final regulations; the Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights must approve notices of proposed rulemaking. Organizational Issues Historical Budget Information. Congressional appropriations for the U.S. Department of Education have risen from $14 billion in 1980 to $95.5 billion in 2021, an astounding increase, especially in light of the lack of improvements in student outcomes. Recommend Budget Cuts, Shifts, and Augmentations, If Any. Transferring most of the programs at the U.S. Department of Education to other agencies and eliminating duplicative and ineffective programs would yield significant taxpayer — 360 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise CHART 4 U.S. Department of Education, Total Appropriations IN BILLIONS OF DOLLARS $120 $100 $95.5 $80 $60 $40 $20 $14 $0 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2020 NOTE: Totals include mandatory and discretionary appropriations. SOURCE: U.S. Department of Education, “Budget History Tables,” Education Department Budget History Table, https://www2.ed.gov/about/overview/budget/history/index.html (accessed March 17, 2023). A heritage.org savings. The proposal would immediately save more than $17 billion annually in various programs. Savings over a decade would be far more robust, as the revenue responsibility for many formula grant programs would be returned to the states. Some highlights include: l Eliminate competitive grant programs and reduce spending on formula grant programs. Competitive grant programs operated by the Department of Education should be eliminated, and federal spending should be reduced to reflect remaining formula grant programs authorized under Title I of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) and the handful of other programs that do not fall under the competitive/ project grant category. Remaining programs managed by the Department
AI Analysis:
"The bill seeks to preserve the structural integrity of key Department of Education offices by prohibiting their transfer to other agencies, while Project 2025 advocates for transferring or eliminating many of these same offices and programs to other federal entities or converting them to block grants. This represents a direct policy contradiction rather than alignment."
— 326 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Restore revenue responsibility for Title I funding to the states over a 10-year period. OESE also currently manages the federal Impact Aid program, which provides fund- ing to school districts to compensate for reductions in property tax revenue due to the presence of federal property (such as that associated with a military base or tribal lands). l Eliminate Impact Aid not tied to students. l Move student-driven Impact Aid programs to the Department of Defense Education Authority (DoDEA) or the Department of Interior’s Bureau of Indian Education. l Transfer all Indian education programs to the Bureau of Indian Education. l The D.C. Opportunity Scholarship Program, which provides vouchers to low-income children living in the nation’s capital—appropriate as D.C. is under the jurisdiction of Congress—should be expanded into a universal program, formula-funded, and moved to the Department of Health and Human Services. l All other programs at OESE should be block-granted or eliminated. Office of Career, Technical, and Adult Education l Transfer the Office of Career, Technical, and Adult Education’s few programs to the Department of Labor, but l Move the Tribally Controlled Postsecondary Career and Technical Education Program to the Bureau of Indian Education. Office of Special Education and Rehabilitative Services (OSERS) The Office of Special Education and Rehabilitative Services (OSERS) houses nearly two dozen programs, ranging from funding for the Individuals with Dis- abilities Education Act (IDEA) and the National Technical Institute for the Deaf to Special Olympics Funding and the American Printing House for the Blind. l Most IDEA funding should be converted into a no-strings formula block grant targeted at students with disabilities and distributed directly to local education agencies by Health and Human Service’s Administration for Community Living. — 327 — Department of Education l Transfer the Vocational Rehabilitation Grants for Native American students to the Bureau of Indian Education. l Phase out earmarks for a variety of special institutions, as originally envisioned. l To the extent that OSERS supports federal efforts to enforce our laws against discrimination of individuals with disabilities, those assets should be moved to the Department of Justice (DOJ) along with the Office for Civil Rights (OCR). Office for Postsecondary Education (OPE) l The next Administration should work with Congress to eliminate or move OPE programs to ETA at the Department of Labor. l Funding to institutions should be block-granted and narrowed to Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) and tribally controlled colleges. l Move programs deemed important to our national security interests to the Department of State. Institute of Education Sciences (IES) l Move ED’s statistical office, the National Commission for Education Statistics (NCES), to the Department of Commerce’s Census Bureau. If Congress believes the federal government can play a valuable research role, those research centers can be moved to the National Science Foundation. If Congress decides to maintain IES as an independent agency, it needs to address major governance and management issues that keep it from being a productive contributor to the knowledge base related to teaching and learning. Office of Federal Student Aid (FSA) l The next Administration should completely reverse the student loan federalization of 2010 and work with Congress to spin off FSA and its student loan obligations to a new government corporation with professional governance and management. With a statutory charge that it preserve the federal student loan portfolio for the benefit of the taxpayers and students, this new entity would be (1) profession- ally governed by an agency head and board of trustees appointed by the President
AI Analysis:
"The bill seeks to preserve the structural integrity of specific Department of Education offices by prohibiting their transfer to other agencies, which contrasts with Project 2025’s goal of redistributing federal education programs across government and eliminating the Department of Education as a centralized entity. While both address federal education administration, their objectives are fundamentally opposed—one aims to protect ED’s current structure, the other to dismantle or decentralize it."
— 321 — Department of Education through the pandemic’s Elementary and Secondary Schools Emergency Relief (ESSER) Funds,4 which relied on ESEA formulas. The same year, the department spent more than $2 billion just to administer Title IV of the HEA, which authorizes federal student loans and Pell grants. It provided $22.5 billion in Pell grants, and it oversaw outlays of close to $100 billion in direct student loans. Since 1965, Congress has continued to layer on dozens of new laws and pro- grams as federal “solutions” to myriad education problems. In 1973, it passed the Rehabilitation Act,5 and, in 1975, the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA)6 to address educational neglect of students with disabilities. In 2002, it cre- ated the Institute for Education Sciences to consolidate education data collection and fund research. Congress has also enacted a series of Carl D. Perkins Career and Technical Education Acts, including Perkins V in 2018.7 Congress could have, and once did, distribute management of federal education programs outside of a single department. But for those interested in expanding federal funding and influence in education, this unconsolidated approach was less than ideal, because a single, captive agency would allow them to promote their agenda more effectively across Administrations. Eventually, the National Educa- tion Association made a deal and backed the right presidential candidate— Jimmy Carter—who successfully lobbied for and delivered the Cabinet-level agency. When it was established in 1979—becoming operational in 1980—the agency was supposed to act as a “corralling” mechanism. Carter signed the Department of Education Organization Act8 into law in 1979, believing in part that it would reduce administrative costs and improve efficiency by housing most of the federal education programs that had proliferated in the wake of Johnson’s War on Poverty under one roof. It has had the opposite effect. Instead, special interest groups like the National Education Association (NEA), American Federation of Teachers (AFT), and the higher education lobby have leveraged the agency to continuously expand federal expenditures—a desirable funding stream from their vantage point because federal budgets are not constrained like state and local budgets that must be balanced each year. By FY 2022, the department’s discretionary and mandatory appropriation topped $80 billion, not including student loan outlays. Each of its programs has attendant federal strings and red tape. One recent example is the Biden Administration’s requirement that state educa- tion agencies and school districts submit “equity” plans as a condition of receiving COVID recovery ESSER funds in the American Rescue Plan (ARP).9 This exercise led to the hiring of numerous new government employees as the rules were pro- mulgated, plans were created after collecting public feedback, and those plans were eventually deemed satisfactory. The next Administration will need a plan to redistribute the various congres- sionally approved federal education programs across the government, eliminate — 322 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise those that are ineffective or duplicative, and then eliminate the unproductive red tape and rules by entrusting states and districts with flexible, formula-driven block grants. This chapter details that plan. As the next Administration executes its work, it should be guided by a few core principles, including: l Advancing education freedom. Empowering families to choose among a diverse set of education options is key to reform and improved outcomes, and it can be achieved without establishing a new federal program. For example, portability of existing federal education spending to fund families directly or allowing federal tax credits to encourage voluntary contributions to K–12 education savings accounts managed by charitable nonprofits, could significantly advance education choice. l Providing education choice for “federal” children. Congress has a special responsibility to children who are connected to military families, who live in the District of Columbia, or who are members of sovereign tribes. Responsibility for serving these students should be housed in agencies that are already serving these families. l Restoring state and local control over education funding. As Washington begins to downsize its intervention in education, existing funding should be sent to states as grants over which they have full control, enabling states to put federal funding toward any lawful education purpose under state law. l Treating taxpayers like investors in federal student aid. Taxpayers should expect their investments in higher education to generate economic productivity. When the federal government lends money to individuals for a postsecondary education, taxpayers should expect those borrowers to repay. l Protecting the federal student loan portfolio from predatory politicians. The new Administration must end the practice of acting like the federal student loan portfolio is a campaign fund to curry political support and votes. The new Administration must end abuses in the loan forgiveness programs. Borrowers should be expected to repay their loans. l Safeguarding civil rights. Enforcement of civil rights should be based on a proper understanding of those laws, rejecting gender ideology and critical race theory.
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.
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