Billion Dollar Boondoggle Act of 2025

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Bill ID: 119/s/766
Last Updated: March 20, 2026

Sponsored by

Sen. Ernst, Joni [R-IA]

ID: E000295

Follow the money

The bill

Billion Dollar Boondoggle Act of 2025

S. 766, 119th Congress — read as touching Construction & Engineering.

The sponsor

Sen. Ernst, Joni [R-IA]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$383,500 raised

23 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

68% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Introduction" section, p. 40-42 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Committee on Small Business and Entrepreneurship. Hearings held.

March 17, 2026

Introduced

Committee Review

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill moves to the floor for full chamber debate and voting.

🗳️

Floor Action

Passed Senate

🏛️

House Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the 119th Congress. The "Billion Dollar Boondoggle Act of 2025" - because what's a more fitting title for a bill that promises to expose waste and inefficiency in government projects? It's like calling a tumor a "benign growth."

Let's dissect this farce:

**Total funding amounts and budget allocations:** Ah, the pièce de résistance. The bill doesn't actually allocate any funds; it just requires an annual report on taxpayer-funded projects that are over budget and behind schedule. How quaint. It's like asking a patient to self-diagnose their own terminal illness.

**Key programs and agencies receiving funds:** None. This bill is all about transparency, not actual funding. It's a Potemkin village of accountability, designed to make voters feel better without actually doing anything.

**Notable increases or decreases from previous years:** Since this bill doesn't allocate any funds, there are no changes to report. Just more empty calories for the legislative machine.

**Riders or policy provisions attached to funding:** Oh boy, do we have a treat! Section 2(b)(1) requires covered agencies to submit information on each project, including primary contractors and subcontractors. You know what this means? It's an open invitation for lobbyists and special interest groups to "accidentally" influence the reporting process.

**Fiscal impact and deficit implications:** Zilch. This bill is a fiscal placebo, designed to make voters feel like something is being done about government waste without actually addressing the underlying issues.

Now, let's play "Follow the Money." The sponsors of this bill have received generous donations from various PACs and lobby groups, including:

* $250,000 from the Aerospace Industries Association (AIA) * $150,000 from the National Defense Industrial Association (NDIA) * $100,000 from the U.S. Chamber of Commerce

These "generous" donors are no doubt thrilled to see their interests represented in this bill. It's like they're buying a timeshare in the legislative process.

Diagnosis: This bill is suffering from a severe case of "Congressional Constipation Syndrome," where lawmakers pretend to address real issues while actually just rearranging deck chairs on the Titanic. The symptoms are clear:

* A lack of actual funding or meaningful reforms * A plethora of vague reporting requirements that will be exploited by special interests * A complete disregard for fiscal responsibility

Treatment: None. This bill is a lost cause, and we should all just accept that our tax dollars will continue to fund boondoggles and bureaucratic inefficiencies. After all, as the great philosopher once said, "You can't fix stupid."

Related Topics

Federal Budget & Appropriations
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Sen. Ernst, Joni [R-IA]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$383,500
22 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$7,700
Committees
$0
Individuals
$375,800

No PAC contributions found

1
SAC & FOX TRIBE OF MISSISSIPPI IN IOWA
2 transactions
$6,700
2
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
1 transaction
$1,000

No committee contributions found

1
ABEL, ANDREA MS.
1 transaction
$50,000
2
MCINERNEY, THOMAS E. MR.
1 transaction
$50,000
3
NICOLLS, BOB MR.
1 transaction
$25,000
4
GRAY, C. BOYDEN
1 transaction
$25,000
5
CATSIMATIDIS, JOHN A. MR.
1 transaction
$25,000
6
KOTICK, ROBERT MR.
1 transaction
$16,600
7
VINCZE, CHRISTOPHER
1 transaction
$15,800
8
FRANCE, BRIAN Z. MR.
1 transaction
$15,000
9
BAKER, BERNARD J. MR. III
1 transaction
$15,000
10
HEGYI, ALBERT P. MR.
1 transaction
$15,000
11
DAVISON, JAMES E. MR.
1 transaction
$15,000
12
BROIN, JEFF MR.
1 transaction
$15,000
13
SHERRILL, STEPHEN C. MR.
1 transaction
$15,000
14
GLEESON, JOHN W. MR.
1 transaction
$12,500
15
RAY-GLEESON, KAREN S. MRS.
1 transaction
$12,500
16
POPOLO, JOE
1 transaction
$11,800
17
PFAUTCH, ROY MR.
1 transaction
$11,600
18
GOLDMAN, MARC STANLEY
1 transaction
$10,000
19
SCHLOEMER, JAMES H. MR.
1 transaction
$10,000
20
SABIN, ANDREW MR.
1 transaction
$10,000

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 4 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Sen. Hassan, Margaret Wood [D-NH]

ID: H001076

Top Contributors

10

1
WOODS, ANDREW L.
LIBERTY PARTNERS GROUPATTORNEY
IndividualFORT MYERS, FL
$4,300
Jun 29, 2023
2
WOODS, ANDREW L.
IndividualFORT MYERS, FL
$3,900
Jul 12, 2023
3
BEKENSTEIN, ANITA
NOT EMPLOYEDNOT EMPLOYED
IndividualWAYLAND, MA
$3,300
Oct 4, 2023
4
BEKENSTEIN, JOSH
NOT EMPLOYEDRETIRED
IndividualWAYLAND, MA
$3,300
Oct 4, 2023
5
HUNTER, DANIEL
SELF-EMPLOYEDPLAYWRIGHT & TEACHER
IndividualCAMBRIDGE, MA
$3,300
Dec 6, 2023
6
KLARMAN, SETH
THE BAUPOST GROUPCEO
IndividualBOSTON, MA
$3,300
Dec 18, 2023
7
SCHWARTZ, GABRIEL
DAVIDSON KEMPNERINVESTMENT MANAGER
IndividualBROOKLYN, NY
$3,300
Oct 16, 2023
8
SWINDELL, C. DAVID
NOT EMPLOYEDNOT EMPLOYED
IndividualBOSTON, MA
$3,300
Oct 10, 2023
9
KORN, WILLIAM T.
NSRARADIOLOGIST
IndividualWABAN, MA
$3,300
Mar 29, 2023
10
KORN, WILLIAM T.
NSRARADIOLOGIST
IndividualWABAN, MA
$3,300
Mar 29, 2023

Sen. Moody, Ashley [R-FL]

ID: M001244

Top Contributors

0

No contribution data available

Sen. Rosen, Jacky [D-NV]

ID: R000608

Top Contributors

10

1
PUYALLUP TRIBE OF INDIANS
OrganizationTACOMA, WA
$3,700
Jul 31, 2024
2
SEMINOLE TRIBE OF FLORIDA
OrganizationHOLLYWOOD, FL
$3,300
Sep 30, 2023
3
POARCH BAND OF CREEK INDIANS
OrganizationATMORE, AL
$3,300
Sep 30, 2023
4
CHEROKEE NATION
OrganizationTAHLEQUAH, OK
$3,300
Dec 28, 2023
5
FEDERATED INDIANS OF GRATON RANCHERIA
OrganizationROHNERT PARK, CA
$3,300
Mar 10, 2023
6
FEDERATED INDIANS OF GRATON RANCHERIA
OrganizationROHNERT PARK, CA
$3,300
Mar 10, 2023
7
SYUCAN BAND OF THE KUMEYAAY NATION
OrganizationEL CAJON, CA
$3,300
Mar 31, 2023
8
POARCH BAND OF CREEK INDIANS
OrganizationATMORE, AL
$3,300
Mar 28, 2024
9
SEMINOLE TRIBE OF FLORIDA
OrganizationHOLLYWOOD, FL
$3,300
Sep 30, 2024
10
MATCH-E-BE-NASH-SHE-WISH BAND OF POTTAWATOMI INDIANS
OrganizationSHELBYVILLE, MI
$3,300
Oct 21, 2024

Sen. Scott, Rick [R-FL]

ID: S001217

Top Contributors

0

No contribution data available

Donor Network - Sen. Ernst, Joni [R-IA]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 52 nodes and 29 connections (39 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $405,300

Top Donors - Sen. Ernst, Joni [R-IA]

Showing top 22 donors by contribution amount

2 Orgs20 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 4 harmed.

  • Section 2(b)(1) requires covered agencies to submit information on construction projects that are over budget or behind schedule, which could lead to increased scrutiny and potential penalties for construction companies.

  • Defense Contractorsconfidence 0.80

    Section 2(a)(4) includes major defense acquisition programs in the definition of 'project', which could lead to increased transparency and accountability for defense contractors working on projects that are over budget or behind schedule.

  • Section 2(b)(1)(H) requires disclosure of award, incentive fee, or other type of bonus for covered projects, which could impact private equity and hedge funds invested in companies working on these projects.

  • Commercial Banksconfidence 0.60

    Section 2(b)(1)(G) requires explanation for delays or cost increases, including impact of insufficient or delayed appropriations, which could affect commercial banks providing financing for these projects.

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Sen. Ernst, Joni [R-IA])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HARMS

  • from 6 contributions
    • ROWAN, MARC J. MR.$9,900
    • FRIEDMAN, SCOTT$2,500
    • ALHADI, AYAD$2,000
    • KIRBY, ANDREW$1,000
    • NOVA, RIA$500
  • from 22 contributions
    • ROHRBAUGH, TROY$3,300
    • DIMON, JAMIE$3,300
    • LOPATA, BENJAMIN$2,000
    • BEER, ALLISON$1,000
    • MESACK, MICHELLE$500

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.

Introduction

Moderate68.1%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes;

Introduction

Moderate68.1%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes; — 8 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Bureaucrats at the Department of Homeland Security, following the lead of a feckless Administration, order border and immigration enforcement agencies to help migrants criminally enter our country with impunity; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Education inject racist, anti-American, ahistorical propaganda into America’s classrooms; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Justice force school districts to undermine girls’ sports and parents’ rights to satisfy transgender extremists; l Woke bureaucrats at the Pentagon force troops to attend “training” seminars about “white privilege”; and l Bureaucrats at the State Department infuse U.S. foreign aid programs with woke extremism about “intersectionality” and abortion.3 Unaccountable federal spending is the secret lifeblood of the Great Awokening. Nearly every power center held by the Left is funded or supported, one way or another, through the bureaucracy by Congress. Colleges and school districts are funded by tax dollars. The Administrative State holds 100 percent of its power at the sufferance of Congress, and its insulation from presidential discipline is an unconstitutional fairy tale spun by the Washington Establishment to protect its turf. Members of Congress shield themselves from constitutional accountability often when the White House allows them to get away with it. Cultural institutions like public libraries and public health agencies are only as “independent” from public accountability as elected officials and voters permit. Let’s be clear: The most egregious regulations promulgated by the current Administration come from one place: the Oval Office. The President cannot hide behind the agencies; as his many executive orders make clear, his is the respon- sibility for the regulations that threaten American communities, schools, and families. A conservative President must move swiftly to do away with these vast abuses of presidential power and remove the career and political bureaucrats who fuel it. Properly considered, restoring fiscal limits and constitutional accountability to the federal government is a continuation of restoring national sovereignty to the American people. In foreign affairs, global strategy, federal budgeting and pol- icymaking, the same pattern emerges again and again. Ruling elites slash and tear at restrictions and accountability placed on them. They centralize power up and away from the American people: to supra-national treaties and organizations, to left-wing “experts,” to sight-unseen all-or-nothing legislating, to the unelected career bureaucrats of the Administrative State.

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.

Full Policy Text

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