The bill
Royalty Transparency Act
S. 855, 119th Congress — read as touching Pharmaceuticals.
Royalty Transparency Act
Download PDFBill ID: 119/s/855
Last Updated: December 4, 2025
Sponsored by
Sen. Paul, Rand [R-KY]
ID: P000603
Follow the money
The sponsor
Sen. Paul, Rand [R-KY]
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
$87,500 raised
20 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
70% match to Project 2025
This bill's text tracks the "Environmental Protection Agency" section, p. 470-472 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Placed on Senate Legislative Calendar under General Orders. Calendar No. 165.
September 16, 2025
Introduced
📍 Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
🏛️
Committee Review
🗳️
Floor Action
✅
Passed Senate
🏛️
House Review
🎉
Passed Congress
🖊️
Presidential Action
⚖️
Became Law
📚 How does a bill become a law?
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
Bill Summary
Another exercise in legislative theater, courtesy of our esteemed Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?
**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The Royalty Transparency Act (RTA) claims to promote transparency by requiring executive branch employees to report certain royalties. How quaint. The real purpose is to create the illusion of accountability while allowing the revolving door between government and industry to continue spinning.
**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:**
* Expands financial disclosure requirements for executive branch employees, including those on various advisory committees. * Introduces a new reporting requirement for royalties received by government employees and committee filers. * Modifies existing laws to include notification of waivers granted to individuals with conflicts of interest.
**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:**
* Executive branch employees, particularly those on advisory committees related to public health. * The Government Accountability Office (GAO), which will be responsible for publishing a list of affected advisory committees. * Lobbyists and special interest groups who will continue to exploit loopholes in the system.
**Potential Impact & Implications:**
* This bill is a Band-Aid on a bullet wound. It may provide some minor transparency, but it won't address the root causes of corruption and conflicts of interest. * The expanded reporting requirements will create more paperwork and bureaucratic red tape, which will likely be exploited by those seeking to hide their true interests. * The GAO's role in publishing the list of advisory committees will be a joke, as they'll be tasked with policing an inherently opaque system.
In conclusion, this bill is a masterclass in legislative obfuscation. It's a Potemkin village designed to distract from the real issues: corruption, cronyism, and the revolving door between government and industry. The RTA will do little to address these problems, but it'll provide plenty of opportunities for politicians to grandstand about transparency while continuing to serve their true masters – special interest groups and lobbyists.
Diagnosis: Terminal case of legislative theater, with symptoms including bureaucratic bloat, obfuscation, and a healthy dose of hypocrisy. Prognosis: More of the same old, same old in Washington D.C.
Related Topics
Executive Branch OversightFederal Budget & AppropriationsGovernment Operations & Accountability
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)
💰 Campaign Finance Network
Sen. Paul, Rand [R-KY]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
Total Contributions
$1,164,409
852 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$0
Committees
$0
Individuals
$1,164,409
No PAC contributions found
No organization contributions found
No committee contributions found
1
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2
ANDREESSEN, LAURA ARRILLAGA
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3
ANDREESSEN, MARC
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GROSS, MARY E. MRS.
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KARVELA, ELENI
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6
MCPHEE, MICHAEL
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7
MOSSEL, JOHN W. MR
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TINGLE, RALPH J. MR.
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BORST, LAURA J. MS.
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ANDERSON, RICHARD N. MR.
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PECK, JOHN MR. JR.
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CEO, JOSEPH S. MR.
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KONNOR, DELBERT DANIEL MR. II
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HAYDEN, MARILYN MS
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COLBERT, THOMAS W. MR.
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DEIHL, RICHARD
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GONZALEZ, DIANNE
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LOWERY, CARLA
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FORSYTHE, GERALD R. MR.
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RADGOWSKI, STEVEN
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800
WASHAM, REBECCA
$500
801
WEBB, ELIZABETH
$500
802
WEBER, BRAD WESLEY MR.
$500
803
WECK, THOMAS
$500
804
WEGNER, RUTH ANN MS.
$500
805
WELCH, CLARE A. MS.
$500
806
WELDON, DIANE
$500
807
WESTCAMP, JESSIE G. MRS.
$500
808
WHIPPLE, MICHAEL MR.
$500
809
WIEGAND, RODNEY W. MR.
$500
810
WIESEMANN, RICHARD J. MR.
$500
811
WIKSTROM, LESLIE
$500
812
WILLIAMS, ANGELA H. MS.
$500
813
WILLIAMSON, BARRY D. MR.
$500
814
WINFREE, JAMES HAMILTON
$500
815
WOGAHN, BRENT M. MR.
$500
816
WOLFSHOHL, WILLIAM
$500
817
WRIGHT, MARY
$500
818
ZIMMERMAN, BILLIE MS.
$500
Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance
This bill has 1 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.
Sen. Scott, Rick [R-FL]
ID: S001217
Top Contributors
0
No contribution data available
Donor Network - Sen. Paul, Rand [R-KY]
PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians
Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
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Showing 48 nodes and 20 connections (47 secondary connections hidden)
Total contributions: $87,500
Top Donors - Sen. Paul, Rand [R-KY]
Showing top 19 donors by contribution amount
19 Individuals
Industry Impact
Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 4 harmed.
- −Pharmaceuticalsconfidence 0.80
Section 2(c) requires reporting of royalties received by executive branch employees from inventions developed during government employment, including those under the Stevenson-Wydler Technology Innovation Act and Federal Technology Transfer Act, which applies to pharmaceutical researchers who may receive royalties from drug patents, increasing transparency and potentially discouraging such arrangements.
- −Biotech & Researchconfidence 0.80
Section 2(c) mandates disclosure of royalties from government-developed inventions, which includes biotech innovations (e.g., gene therapies, vaccines) developed by federal employees, subjecting biotech researchers to greater scrutiny and potential conflict-of-interest concerns.
- −Medical Devicesconfidence 0.75
Section 2(c) requires reporting of royalties from inventions developed during federal employment, which includes medical device patents (e.g., diagnostics, implants) held by government employees, increasing disclosure burdens on medical device innovators in public sector roles.
- −Hospitals & Health Systemsconfidence 0.60
Section 2(e) requires agencies to publish reports on confidential filers who receive royalties, which could include physicians or researchers employed by hospitals receiving royalties from government-developed technologies, increasing transparency and potential reputational risk.
Who funds the sponsor on these industries
For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Sen. Paul, Rand [R-KY])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.
Industries this bill HARMS
- Pharmaceuticals$401from 2 contributions
- MYLAN, VICKI MS.$401
- from 8 contributions
- DELLARMO, DIANE$200
- BELLONI, PAULA$120
- Medical Devices$150from 1 contribution
- STRYKER, NORMAN$150
Project 2025 Policy Matches
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
Environmental Protection Agency
Moderate
Vector: 65%Pages: 470-472AI Enhanced
AI Analysis:
"Both the bill and the Project 2025 EPA section focus on increasing transparency and oversight of advisory committees to reduce conflicts of interest and ensure independent, balanced advice, though the bill applies broadly to public health advisory committees while Project 2025 targets EPA-specific advisory bodies and science activities."
Key themes:advisory committee oversighttransparency and accountabilityconflict of interest reductionGAO involvementscience policy integrity
— 437 — Environmental Protection Agency l Suspend and review the activities of EPA advisory bodies, many of which have not been authorized by Congress or lack independence, balance, and geographic and viewpoint diversity. l Retract delegations for key science and risk-assessment decisions from Assistant Administrators, regional offices, and career officials. l Eliminate the use of Title 42 hiring authority that allows ORD to spend millions in taxpayer dollars for salaries of certain employees above the civil service scale. l Announce plans to streamline and reform EPA’s poorly coordinated and managed laboratory structure. Budget: Back-to-Basics Rejection of Unauthorized or Expired Science Activities A top priority should be the immediate and consistent rejection of all EPA ORD and science activities that have not been authorized by Congress. In FY 2022, according to EPA’s opaque budgeting efforts, science and technology activ- ities totaled nearly $730 million. EPA’s FY 2023 budget request for the Office of Research and Development seeks funds for more than 1,850 employees—a dramatic increase for what is already the largest EPA office with well above 10 percent of the agency’s workforce.44 ORD conducts a wide-ranging series of science and peer review activities, some in support of regulatory programs established by our envi- ronmental laws, but often lacks authority for these specific endeavors. Several ORD offices and programs, many of which constitute unaccountable efforts to use scientific determinations to drive regulatory, enforcement, and legal decisions, should be eliminated. The Integrated Risk Information System, for example, was ostensibly designed by EPA to evaluate hazard and dose-response for certain chemicals. Despite operating since the 1980s, the program has never been authorized by Congress and often sets “safe levels” based on questionable science and below background levels, resulting in billions in economic costs. The program has been criticized by a wide variety of stakeholders: states; Congress; the National Academies of Science, Engineering, and Medicine (NASEM); and the U.S. Govern- ment Accountability Office (GAO), among others. EPA has failed to implement meaningful reforms, and this unaccountable program threatens key regulatory processes as well as the integrity of Clean Air Act and TSCA implementation. Needed EPA Advisory Body Reforms EPA currently operates 21 federal advisory committees.45 These committees often play an outsized role in determining agency scientific and regulatory policy, — 438 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise and their membership has too often been handpicked to achieve certain politi- cal positions. In the Biden Administration, key EPA advisory committees were purged of balanced perspectives, geographic diversity, important regulatory and private-sector experience, and state, local, and tribal expertise. Contrary to con- gressional directives and recommendations from the GAO and intergovernmental associations, these moves eviscerated historic levels of participation on key com- mittees by state, local, and tribal members from 2017 to 2020. As a result, a variety of EPA regulations lack relevant scientific perspectives, increasing the risks of economic fallout and a failure of cooperative federalism. EPA also has repeatedly disregarded legal requirements regarding the role of these advisory committees and the scope of scientific advice on key regulations.46 Needed Science Policy Reforms Instead of allowing these efforts to be misused for scaremongering risk com- munications and enforcement activities, EPA should embrace so-called citizen science and deputize the public to subject the agency’s science to greater scrutiny, especially in areas of data analysis, identification of scientific flaws, and research misconduct. In addition, EPA should: l Shift responsibility for evaluating misconduct away from its Office of Scientific Integrity, which has been overseen by environmental activists, and toward an independent body. l Work (including with Congress) to provide incentives similar to those under the False Claims Act47 for the public to identify scientific flaws and research misconduct, thereby saving taxpayers from having to bear the costs involved in expending unnecessary resources. l Avoid proprietary, black box models for key regulations. Nearly all major EPA regulations are based on nontransparent models for which the public lacks access or for which significant costs prevent the public from understanding agency analysis. l Reject precautionary default models and uncertainty factors. In the face of uncertainty around associations between certain pollutants and health or welfare endpoints, EPA’s heavy reliance on default assumptions like its low-dose, linear non-threshold model bake orders of magnitude of risk into key regulatory inputs and drive flawed and opaque decisions. Given the disproportionate economic impacts of top-down solutions, EPA should implement an approach that defaults to less restrictive regulatory outcomes.
Department of Education
Weak
Vector: 64%Pages: 389-391AI Enhanced
AI Analysis:
"Both the bill and the Project 2025 education section emphasize transparency and accountability, but the bill focuses on royalty disclosures for public health advisory committee members, whereas the Project 2025 policies concern Department of Education operations, grant requirements, accreditation, and complaint transparency, resulting only a tangential overlap."
Key themes:transparencyaccountabilityoversightdisclosureconflict of interest
— 357 — Department of Education NEW EXECUTIVE ORDERS THAT THE PRESIDENT SHOULD ISSUE Guidance Documents l The President should immediately reinstate and reissue Executive Order 13891: Promoting the Rule of Law Through Improved Agency Guidance Documents, 84 Fed. Reg. 55235 (Oct. 9, 2019), and Executive Order 13892: Promoting the Rule of Law Through Transparency and Fairness in Civil Administrative Enforcement and Adjudication (Oct. 15, 2019). These executive orders required all federal agencies to treat guidance documents as non-binding in law and practice and also forbade federal agencies from imposing new standards of conduct on persons outside the executive branch through guid- ance documents. They required all federal agencies to apply regulations and statutes instead of guidance documents in any enforcement action. President Biden revoked these executive orders on January 20, 2021, demonstrating that these executive orders effectively restrained the abuses of an expansive administrative state. l Require APA notice and comment. The President should issue an executive order requiring the Office for Civil Rights’ Case Processing Manual to go through APA (Administrative Procedures Act) notice and comment. l Protect the First Amendment. The President should issue an executive order requiring grant applications (SF-424 series) to contain assurances that the applicant will uphold the First Amendment in funded programs and work. l Minimize bachelor’s degree requirements. The President should issue an executive order stating that a college degree shall not be required for any federal job unless the requirements of the job specifically demand it. l Eliminate the “list of shame.” Educational institutions can claim a religious exemption with the Office for Civil Rights at the Department of Education from the strictures of Title IX. In 2016, the Obama Administration published on the Department of Education’s website a list of colleges that had applied for the exemption. This “list of shame” of faith-based colleges, as it came to be known, has since been archived on ED’s website, still publicly available. The President should issue an executive order removing the archived list and preventing such a list from being published in the future. — 358 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise NEW AGENCY POLICIES THAT DON’T REQUIRE NEW LEGISLATION OR REGULATIONS TO ENACT Transparency of FERPA and PPRA Complaints l The Department of Education should be transparent about complaints filed on behalf of families regarding the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA) and the Protection of Pupil Rights Amendment (PPRA). l At the same time, the Department of Education should develop a portal and resources for parents on their rights under FERPA and PPRA. This portal should also contain an explanation of the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPPA) and public school procedures to demonstrate that the law does not deprive parents of their right to access any school health records. The D.C. Opportunity Scholarship Program In 2011, Congress added new requirements to the D.C. Opportunity Scholarship Program stating that participating private schools must submit to site visits by the program administrator, inform prospective students about the school’s accreditation status, mandate that teachers of core subjects have bachelor’s degrees, and require participating students to take some form of nationally norm-referenced test. Notably, the 2011 reauthorization also required, for the first time, that participating private schools be accredited or be on a path to accreditation. The 2017 reauthorization went further, requiring that each participating school supply a certificate of accreditation to the administering entity upon program entry, demonstrating that the school is fully accredited before being allowed to participate. The list of approved accreditors is entirely too small to serve the mission of the diverse schools in the nation’s capital. l Although the accreditation regulations should be removed entirely by Congress, in the meantime, the next President should issue an executive order expanding the list of allowable accreditors. Transparency Around Program Performance and DEI Influence The next President should issue a series of executive orders requiring: l An accounting of how federal programs/grants spread DEI/CRT/ gender ideology, l A review of outcomes for GEAR UP and the 21st Century grants programs,
Department of Labor and Related Agencies
Weak
Vector: 62%Pages: 633-635AI Enhanced
AI Analysis:
"Both the bill and the Project 2025 section emphasize transparency and disclosure requirements, but the bill targets executive branch employees' royalty disclosures while Project 2025 focuses on labor union financial transparency, DOL enforcement, and NLRB actions, resulting only a tangential thematic overlap."
Key themes:transparencydisclosure requirementsaccountabilityoversightethics
— 600 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise of state or local employees are exempt from this filing requirement. These dis- closure requirements help workers and the public understand how union leaders are raising and spending union dues; they also can serve as a vital source of infor- mation that helps workers decide if the unions they are asked to join are good stewards of the funds they collect. DOL, under both George W. Bush and Donald Trump, tried rulemakings (known as the Intermediate Bodies Rule) that would require some government unions to file the same information that is required of private-sector unions. Under President Trump, OLMS required unions to disclose involvement in trusts that they either own a majority stake in or control. In the past, union trust spending has been hidden, and it appears that trust assets have occasionally been corruptly spent for the benefit of private interests in union leadership— such as $30,000 spent on a private party, $37,500 spent on a Montblanc pen, condominiums for those in power, golf outings, and a Ferrari.20 But the Biden DOL eliminated a transparency rule requiring the filing of the T-1 Trust Annual Report. More generally, OLMS, which is charged with enforcing the law of union dis- closure, has historically been underfunded when compared to other DOL agencies. This relative lack of funding has made ensuring disclosure more difficult. l Enact transparency rules. The substance of the Intermediate Bodies Rule should pass into law, either through rulemaking or through legislation. The T-1 Trust Annual Report annual filing requirement should be restored. l Increase funding levels. Congress should expand the funding of the Office of Labor-Management Standards. Duty of Fair Representation. Unions have a duty of fair representation to their members, yet they too often abuse that duty to use their members’ resources on left-wing culture-war issues that are unrelated, and in fact often harmful, to union members’ own interests. l The NLRB should take enforcement or amicus action advancing the position that political conflicts of interest by union leadership can support claims for breach of the duty of fair representation in a manner analogous to financial conflicts of interest and analogous to breaches of the fiduciary duty of loyalty in other areas of law. Interpreting “Protected Concerted Activity.” In an effort to prevent employers from retaliating against workers who express a desire to unionize, cer- tain activities are deemed “protected concerted activity” (under §7 of the NLRA). — 601 — Department of Labor and Related Agencies The NLRB has issued extreme interpretations of these activities, such as deter- mining that a business’s requiring its employees to be courteous to customers and one another is an unlawful infringement on the free speech rights implicit in the protected concerted activity protections in the NLRA. l Reverse unreasonable interpretations of “protected concerted activity.” The NLRB should return to the 2019 Alstate Maintenance interpretation of what does and does not constitute protected concerted activity, including listing eight instances of lawful actions by employers. Injunctive Relief and Worker Organizing Activities. Within the confines of the more reasonable definition of protected concerted activity described above, the NLRB should increase its pursuit of reinstatement injunctions. Firing work- ers engaged in concerted activity has an immediate chilling effect on organizing, but remedies under the NLRA typically come only much later and amount only to backpay. In NLRA section 10(j), Congress empowered the NLRB to obtain temporary injunctions that immediately reinstate workers to their jobs in these circumstances. This provides a more meaningful remedy to the worker and creates a significant deterrent to unfair labor practices, because prompt reinstatement will tend to reinforce the legitimacy of the organizing effort. The NLRB overwhelmingly prevails when pursuing an injunction, succeeding 100 percent of the time in 2020 and 91 percent of the time in 2021. l Increase the use of 10(j) injunctive relief. The NLRB should increase its use of 10(j) and should articulate guidelines for situations in which it intends to seek injunctive relief; the board should delegate authority to pursue such injunctions to the general counsel and the general counsel should establish a policy of considering them expeditiously in all retaliation cases identified by regional offices. Dues-Funded Worker Centers. Under current law, both labor unions and unionized employers must file financial disclosures with DOL on an annual basis to ward off potential fraud and corruption of the sort that has been seen recently within the United Automobile, Aerospace and Agricultural Implement Workers of America (UAW). However, worker centers, which have grown in number and influ- ence enormously over the past decade, are not required to file these disclosures. l Investigate worker centers and require financial disclosures. DOL should investigate worker centers that look and act like unions and bring enforcement actions to require them to file the same financial disclosures.
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
About These Correlations
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.
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