Promoting United States Wireless Leadership Act of 2025

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Bill ID: 119/hr/1765
Last Updated: July 12, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Kean, Thomas H. [R-NJ-7]

ID: K000398

Follow the money

The bill

Promoting United States Wireless Leadership Act of 2025

HR. 1765, 119th Congress — read as touching Telecommunications.

The sponsor

Rep. Kean, Thomas H. [R-NJ-7]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$83,100 raised

22 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

61% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Introduction" section, p. 859-862 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Received in the Senate and Read twice and referred to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation.

July 14, 2025

Introduced

Committee Review

Floor Action

Passed House

Senate Review

📍 Current Status

Next: Both chambers must agree on the same version of the bill.

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater. The "Promoting United States Wireless Leadership Act of 2025" - because what this country really needs is more bureaucratic posturing to mask the fact that we're being outmaneuvered by China in the global tech arena.

Let's dissect this farce:

**New regulations:** This bill creates a new framework for the Assistant Secretary of Commerce for Communications and Information to "enhance" US representation in international standards-setting bodies. Because, clearly, our current lack of influence is due to a dearth of bureaucratic meddling rather than, say, actual technological innovation.

**Affected industries:** The usual suspects: telecoms, tech companies, and anyone who dares to participate in the global standards-setting process without proper clearance from the US government.

**Compliance requirements:** Companies must now navigate an additional layer of bureaucratic approval to participate in international standards-setting bodies. Because what could possibly go wrong with adding more red tape to the already Byzantine world of tech regulation?

**Enforcement mechanisms and penalties:** Ah, the fun part! The Assistant Secretary gets to play judge, jury, and executioner, determining which companies are "not trusted" (read: not sufficiently aligned with US interests) and thus ineligible for participation. Penalties? Oh, those will be forthcoming, no doubt in the form of conveniently timed "national security" concerns.

**Economic and operational impacts:** This bill is a masterclass in regulatory capture. By creating a new layer of bureaucratic oversight, it ensures that only companies with sufficient lobbying clout (read: deep pockets) will be able to navigate the process. The rest? Good luck competing in the global market while being strangled by US red tape.

In short, this bill is a textbook example of regulatory disease - a symptom of our politicians' addiction to power and control, masquerading as "leadership" in the tech sector. It's a cynical ploy to prop up US interests at the expense of actual innovation and global cooperation. But hey, who needs progress when you can have more bureaucracy?

Related Topics

Telecommunications & Broadband AccessTrade & International CommerceNational Security & Intelligence
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Kean, Thomas H. [R-NJ-7]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$83,100
18 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$6,600
Committees
$0
Individuals
$76,500

No PAC contributions found

1
EASTERN BAND OF CHEROKEE INDIANS
2 transactions
$6,600

No committee contributions found

1
LOEB, JOHN
2 transactions
$13,200
2
VOCCOLA, FREDERICK
2 transactions
$10,100
3
PRYMA, THOMAS
2 transactions
$6,600
4
PISANO, JOHN
1 transaction
$3,700
5
NIEMIEC, DAVID
1 transaction
$3,300
6
TAYLOR, ALEXANDER
1 transaction
$3,300
7
BRUECKNER, RICHARD F.
1 transaction
$3,300
8
BURNS, EMILY
1 transaction
$3,300
9
BURNS, MICHAEL
1 transaction
$3,300
10
CUMMINGS, KEVIN MR.
1 transaction
$3,300
11
TAYLOR, KARAN TAIKINA
1 transaction
$3,300
12
BANKE, BARBARA R.
1 transaction
$3,300
13
DEVOS, RICHARD JR.
1 transaction
$3,300
14
OVERDEVEST, EDWARD
1 transaction
$3,300
15
LEGOW, DAVID
1 transaction
$3,300
16
DEMUTH, CHARLES JR.
1 transaction
$3,300
17
PATE, LUTHER S IV
1 transaction
$3,300

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 3 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. Dingell, Debbie [D-MI-6]

ID: D000624

Top Contributors

10

1
MATCH-E-BE-NASH-SHE-WISH BAND OF POTTAWATOMI INDIANS
OrganizationDORR, MI
$3,300
Dec 13, 2023
2
NOTTAWASEPPI HURON BAND OF THE POTAWATOMI
OrganizationFULTON, MI
$3,300
Mar 28, 2024
3
MATCH-E-BE-NASH-SHE-WISH BAND OF POTTAWATOMI INDIANS
OrganizationDORR, MI
$3,300
Oct 16, 2024
4
FORD, CYNTHIA
NACIVIC PHILANTHROPIST
IndividualGROSSE POINTE FARMS, MI
$3,300
Oct 14, 2024
5
FORD, EDSEL B. II
FORD MOTOR COMPANYCONSULTANT
IndividualGROSSE POINTE FARMS, MI
$3,300
Oct 14, 2024
6
MEIJER, HENDRIK
MEIJER, INC.EXECUTIVE CHAIRMAN
IndividualGRAND RAPIDS, MI
$3,300
Oct 25, 2024
7
CARTER ALTMAN, LYNDA
SELF EMPLOYEDMUSICIAN
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$3,300
Nov 6, 2023
8
DEBBANE, RAYMOND
THE INVUS GROUPCEO
IndividualGREENWICH, CT
$3,300
Dec 4, 2023
9
FARES, NIJAD
LINKINVESTOR
IndividualHOUSTON, TX
$3,300
Nov 30, 2023
10
III, WILLIAM H. GATES
BREAKTHROUGH ENERGY & BILL & MELINDA GPHILANTHROPIST
IndividualREDMOND, WA
$3,300
Oct 19, 2023

Rep. Walberg, Tim [R-MI-5]

ID: W000798

Top Contributors

10

1
POKAGON BAND OF POTAWATOMI INDIANS
OrganizationDOWAGIAC, MI
$3,300
Dec 31, 2023
2
WEIR FARMS
OrganizationHANOVER, MI
$500
Aug 21, 2023
3
WEIR FARMS
OrganizationHANOVER, MI
$500
Aug 12, 2024
4
HAWORTH, ETHELYN
RETIREDRETIRED
IndividualSAUGATUCK, MI
$47,900
Jun 5, 2024
5
HONIG, KEN
KEN HONIGBUSINESS DEVELOPMENT
IndividualNEW PORT BEACH, CA
$31,600
May 30, 2024
6
HAWORTH, RICHARD
HAWORTH INCCHAIRMAN EMERITUS
IndividualSAUGATUCK, MI
$11,600
May 9, 2024
7
KLARR, GUNNAR
RETIREDRETIRED
IndividualJACKSON, MI
$10,000
Dec 29, 2023
8
HAWORTH, RICHARD
HAWORTH INCCHAIRMAN EMERITUS
IndividualSAUGATUCK, MI
$10,000
Nov 4, 2024
9
DRESNER, LINDA
SELFRETIRED
IndividualBIRMINGHAM, MI
$6,600
Dec 7, 2023
10
LEVY, EDWARD C JR.
EDWARD C LEVY COMPANYEXECUTIVE
IndividualBIRMINGHAM, MI
$6,600
Dec 7, 2023

Rep. Clarke, Yvette D. [D-NY-9]

ID: C001067

Top Contributors

10

1
US MARSHALS SERVICE
OrganizationNEW YORK, NY
$2,900
Apr 20, 2023
2
ELLIS, GAREY V
INNER FORCEPHYSICIAN
IndividualEAST STROUDSBURG, PA
$3,300
Oct 29, 2024
3
GIFFORD, BILLY
ALTRIACEO
IndividualRICHMOND, VA
$3,300
Oct 18, 2024
4
STEWART, JENNIFER M
STEWART STRATEGIES & SOLUTIONSGOVERNMENT RELATIONS
IndividualWASHINGTON, DC
$3,300
Mar 31, 2023
5
ANSTED, JEFFREY
AMERICAN BROADBAND & TELECOMMUNICATIONEXECUTIVE
IndividualMAUMEE, OH
$3,300
May 22, 2024
6
CHAIT, ERIC
DOME HOME CAREDIRECTOR OF BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT
IndividualWOODMERE, NY
$3,300
May 6, 2024
7
GREENFIELD, ELIZABETH
MAXSIP CORPORATIONCOO
IndividualWOODMERE, NY
$3,300
May 6, 2024
8
LAVINE, JONATHAN
BAIN CAPITALINVESTOR
IndividualBOSTON, MA
$3,300
Apr 6, 2024
9
LAVINE, JONATHAN
BAIN CAPITALINVESTOR
IndividualBOSTON, MA
$3,300
Apr 6, 2024
10
MAX, ISRAEL
MAXSIP TELTELECOM
IndividualWOODMERE, NY
$3,300
May 6, 2024

Donor Network - Rep. Kean, Thomas H. [R-NJ-7]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 52 nodes and 31 connections (45 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $106,800

Top Donors - Rep. Kean, Thomas H. [R-NJ-7]

Showing top 18 donors by contribution amount

1 Org17 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 2 helped.

  • +Telecommunicationsconfidence 0.90

    Section 2(a) directs the Assistant Secretary to encourage participation and offer technical expertise to companies and stakeholders in standards-setting bodies for 5G and future wireless networks, which benefits telecommunications firms involved in wireless communications standards.

  • Section 2(d)(5)(B) and (C) define 'communications network' to include cloud computing resources and systems used to access cloud computing resources, indicating the bill's scope includes cloud infrastructure, which could benefit AI & Cloud Infrastructure providers through standards leadership.

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Kean, Thomas H. [R-NJ-7])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HELPS

  • from 30 contributions
    • GALLUP, JOHN$3,005
    • KEARNEY, JANE$850
    • JAYE, JEFFREY$210

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.

Introduction

Moderate61.4%
Pages: 859-862

— 826 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise moderate content in good faith—“in a way that eliminates the expansive, non-tex- tual immunities that courts have read into the statute.” In addition to taking unilateral action, Carr says, the FCC should work with Congress on legislative changes to ensure that “Internet companies no longer have carte blanche to censor protected speech while maintaining their Section 230 protections.” Carr writes that during the Trump Administration, the FCC took an “appro- priately strong approach to the national security threats posed by the Chinese Communist Party.” The FCC put Huawei on its Covered List of entities—its list of those posing “an unacceptable risk” to U.S. national security. Carr writes that TikTok also poses a “serious and unacceptable” risk to U.S. national security, while providing “Beijing with an opportunity to run a foreign influence campaign by determining the news and information that the app feeds to millions of Americans,” and the next Administration should ban it. What’s more, Carr writes, “U.S. busi- nesses are aiding Beijing—often unwittingly”—in its effort to become, by 2030, “the global leader in artificial intelligence.” In part, they are doing so by providing “Bei- jing access to their high-powered cloud computing services.” Carr asserts that “it is time for an Administration to put in place a comprehensive plan that aims to stop U.S. entities from directly or indirectly contributing to China’s malign AI goals .” Former Federal Election Commissioner Hans von Spakovsky writes in Chap- ter 29 that while “the authority of the President over the actions of” the Federal Election Commission “is extremely limited,” the President “must ensure that the [Justice Department], just like the FEC, is directed to only prosecute clear viola- tions” of the Federal Election Campaign Act. “The department must not construe ambiguous provisions…in a way that infringes on protected First Amendment activity,” he writes. The FEC has six members, three from each party, and its determinations require a majority—so, they require the support of at least one member of each party. DOJ should not “prosecute an individual for supposedly violating the law when the FEC has previously determined that a similarly situated individual has not violated the law,” writes von Spakovsky. Moreover, he writes that the “President should vigorously oppose all efforts”—such as the language in the “For the People Act of 2021”—“to change the structure of the FEC” so that it would have an “odd number” of members. The current structure “ensures that there is bipartisan agreement before any action is taken and protects against the FEC being weaponized.” In Chapter 27, David R. Burton writes that the Securities and Exchange Com- mission (SEC) “should be reducing impediments to capital formation, not radically increasing them” by pushing a costly “climate change” agenda, as it is doing under the Biden Administration. Discussing the Federal Trade Commission, Adam Can- deub writes in Chapter 30, “Antitrust law can combat dominant firms’ baleful effects on democratic” notions—“such as free speech, the marketplace of ideas, shareholder control, and managerial accountability as well as collusive behavior — 827 — Section 5: Independent Regulatory Agencies with government.” Under the Biden FTC, he writes, firms try “to get out of anti- trust liability by offering climate, diversity, or other forms of ESG-type offerings.” Candeub says that state AGs “are far more responsive to their constituents” than the federal government generally is, and he recommends that the FTC establish a position in the chairman’s office that is “focused on state AG cooperation and inviting state AGs to Washington, DC, to discuss enforcement policy in key sectors under the FTC’s jurisdiction: Big Tech, hospital mergers, supermarket mergers, and so forth.”

Introduction

Moderate61.4%
Pages: 859-862

— 826 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise moderate content in good faith—“in a way that eliminates the expansive, non-tex- tual immunities that courts have read into the statute.” In addition to taking unilateral action, Carr says, the FCC should work with Congress on legislative changes to ensure that “Internet companies no longer have carte blanche to censor protected speech while maintaining their Section 230 protections.” Carr writes that during the Trump Administration, the FCC took an “appro- priately strong approach to the national security threats posed by the Chinese Communist Party.” The FCC put Huawei on its Covered List of entities—its list of those posing “an unacceptable risk” to U.S. national security. Carr writes that TikTok also poses a “serious and unacceptable” risk to U.S. national security, while providing “Beijing with an opportunity to run a foreign influence campaign by determining the news and information that the app feeds to millions of Americans,” and the next Administration should ban it. What’s more, Carr writes, “U.S. busi- nesses are aiding Beijing—often unwittingly”—in its effort to become, by 2030, “the global leader in artificial intelligence.” In part, they are doing so by providing “Bei- jing access to their high-powered cloud computing services.” Carr asserts that “it is time for an Administration to put in place a comprehensive plan that aims to stop U.S. entities from directly or indirectly contributing to China’s malign AI goals .” Former Federal Election Commissioner Hans von Spakovsky writes in Chap- ter 29 that while “the authority of the President over the actions of” the Federal Election Commission “is extremely limited,” the President “must ensure that the [Justice Department], just like the FEC, is directed to only prosecute clear viola- tions” of the Federal Election Campaign Act. “The department must not construe ambiguous provisions…in a way that infringes on protected First Amendment activity,” he writes. The FEC has six members, three from each party, and its determinations require a majority—so, they require the support of at least one member of each party. DOJ should not “prosecute an individual for supposedly violating the law when the FEC has previously determined that a similarly situated individual has not violated the law,” writes von Spakovsky. Moreover, he writes that the “President should vigorously oppose all efforts”—such as the language in the “For the People Act of 2021”—“to change the structure of the FEC” so that it would have an “odd number” of members. The current structure “ensures that there is bipartisan agreement before any action is taken and protects against the FEC being weaponized.” In Chapter 27, David R. Burton writes that the Securities and Exchange Com- mission (SEC) “should be reducing impediments to capital formation, not radically increasing them” by pushing a costly “climate change” agenda, as it is doing under the Biden Administration. Discussing the Federal Trade Commission, Adam Can- deub writes in Chapter 30, “Antitrust law can combat dominant firms’ baleful effects on democratic” notions—“such as free speech, the marketplace of ideas, shareholder control, and managerial accountability as well as collusive behavior

Introduction

Moderate61.3%
Pages: 885-887

— 853 — Federal Communications Commission are doing this is by giving Beijing access to their high-powered cloud computing services. Therefore, it is time for an Administration to put in place a comprehensive plan that aims to stop U.S. entities from directly or indirectly contributing to China’s malign AI goals. Unleashing Economic Prosperity. The FCC needs to advance a pro-growth agenda that gives every American a fair shot at next-generation connectivity. This is vital for economic opportunity and prosperous communities. The current Administration has appropriated a lot of money for broadband infrastructure proj- ects, but it has failed to pair that spending with reforms that free more airwaves for wireless connectivity or streamline the permitting processes for broadband builds. That failure is holding back America’s hardworking telecommunications crews and leaving Americans stuck waiting on the wrong side of the digital divide. It is time for a return to the successful spectrum and infrastructure policies that prevailed during the Trump Administration—policies that enabled the U.S. to lead the world in 5G. l Refill America’s spectrum pipeline. From 2017 through 2020, the FCC took unprecedented steps to free the airwaves needed to power 5G and other next-generation wireless services. This work not only helped to secure America’s wireless leadership and bolster competition, but also enabled the private sector to create jobs and grow the economy. Recently, the FCC has failed to match the pace and cadence of those spectrum actions. Therefore, the FCC and a new Administration should work together to develop a national spectrum strategy that both identifies the specific airwaves that the FCC can free for commercial wireless services and sets an aggressive timeline for agency action. l Facilitate coordination on spectrum issues. Wireless services now play a central role in advancing America’s economic and national security interests. Over the past few years, this dynamic has led to an increasing number of headline-level disputes between the commercial wireless sector and federal agencies. These disputes are often framed in zero-sum terms as commercial wireless and federal agency stakeholders argue over the appropriate types and amount of airwaves that the government should allocate for various purposes. On the one hand, America’s global economic leadership depends on its ability to free spectrum that will power the U.S. commercial wireless industry. On the other hand, we must ensure that America’s national security and other federal agencies have access to the spectrum resources that they need to carry out their vital missions. — 854 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise It is clear that the current process is not delivering optimal outcomes. In December 2021 and January 2022, for instance, the lack of interagency coordination and communication about mid-band 5G spectrum allocation between the FCC and the Federal Aviation Authority led to significant challenges for the U.S. aviation industry. Over the past two years, the FCC has failed to move spectrum into the commercial marketplace at the same pace and cadence that it did in the recent past. Creating better mechanisms to improve communication and cooperation between different federal agencies could enable a more effective and coordinated U.S. government telecommunications strategy. The White House should work with Congress to establish a spectrum coordination process that will work for both commercial and federal users. l Modernize infrastructure rules. By 2016, the construction of new cell sites—the building blocks for 5G—had essentially flatlined in America. Because of outdated permitting rules, it cost too much and took too long to build wireless infrastructure, so the FCC went to work. The agency updated the environmental and historic preservation rules that needlessly drove up the cost and slowed down the timeline for adding small cells. The FCC put in place guardrails to address outlier fees and delays imposed at the state and local levels on those same small-cell projects. It modernized the permitting process in several additional ways as well. Those FCC reforms delivered results. They allowed America’s private sector to bring thousands of families across the digital divide and to keep Americans connected during the pandemic. In fact, infrastructure builds accelerated at a record pace after those reforms. In 2019, for instance, U.S. providers built over 46,000 new cell sites—a sixty-fivefold increase over 2016 levels. The FCC has not engaged in any similar infrastructure reforms in recent years, and there is much more that needs to be done. For instance, the FCC’s prior reforms focused on streamlining the rules for small wireless facilities. The FCC should now explore similar action for the deployment of other wired infrastructure by imposing limits on the fees that local and state governments can charge for reviewing those wireline applications and time restrictions on the government’s decision-making process. The next Administration should also work to address the delays that continue to persist when it comes to building Internet infrastructure on federal lands. This is an area where the FCC itself has very little jurisdiction,

Showing 3 of 4 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.

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