Freedom of Association in Higher Education Act of 2026

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Bill ID: 119/hr/2555
Last Updated: September 10, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9]

ID: H001093

Follow the money

The bill

Freedom of Association in Higher Education Act of 2026

HR. 2555, 119th Congress — read as touching For-Profit Education & Student Loans.

The sponsor

Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$111,070 raised

24 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

70% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Department of Labor and Related Agencies" section, p. 618-620 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Placed on the Union Calendar, Calendar No. 682.

August 26, 2026

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

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Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

✅

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

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2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

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5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

**Summary of H.R. 2555: Freedom of Association in Higher Education Act of 2026**

**1. Main Purpose & Objectives** The stated purpose of this bill is to protect students’ “freedom of association” by shielding single-sex social organizations (think fraternities and sororities) from adverse actions by colleges and universities that receive federal funding. Ostensibly, it’s about defending constitutional rights to assemble—but let’s be real: this is a preemptive strike against campus efforts to curb exclusionary, often toxic, Greek life under the guise of equity and inclusion. The bill frames discrimination based on sex-based membership as a civil right, not a relic of elitist segregation. Its true objective? To preserve archaic gender-segregated social hierarchies while pretending to champion liberty—because nothing says “freedom” like forcing institutions to fund and tolerate clubs that exclude half the student body by birth.

**2. Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law** The bill amends the Higher Education Act of 1965 to add Section 124, which: - Grants students the right to join, lead, or participate in single-sex social organizations *regardless of institutional recognition*. - Prohibits federally funded institutions from taking adverse action against students or orgs *solely* because they limit membership by sex. - Bars coercion (e.g., forcing students to waive rights as a condition of enrollment) and discriminatory recruitment restrictions (unless mutually agreed upon). - Includes narrow exceptions: institutions may still act against orgs for misconduct, incitement of violence, or (at private schools) conflict with religious mission—but *only if* the action isn’t based on sex-based membership. Crucially, it does *not* require schools to officially recognize these groups—just not to punish them for existing. A loophole wrapped in a fig leaf.

**3. Affected Parties & Stakeholders** - **Students**: Members of single-sex orgs gain legal cover; non-members (especially women, nonbinary, and trans students) face reinforced exclusion from influential social networks. - **Colleges & Universities**: Public institutions (and private ones taking federal funds) lose autonomy to regulate harmful campus cultures under Title IX-adjacent equity principles. - **Greek Life National Organizations**: Big winners—shielded from accountability for discriminatory practices. - **Civil Rights Advocates & Title IX Enforcers**: Frustrated, as the bill weaponizes “freedom” to undermine efforts to combat gender-based exclusion. - **Taxpayers**: Subsidizing institutions that must now tolerate sex-segregated privilege—or risk losing federal aid.

**4. Potential Impact & Implications** This bill is a Trojan horse for institutionalizing gender segregation in higher ed under the banner of liberty. By equating sex-based exclusion with protected association, it undermines decades of progress toward inclusive campuses. Expect lawsuits when schools try to balance this with Title IX obligations—creating a legal mess where “freedom to exclude” clashes with “freedom from discrimination.” Socially, it risks amplifying rape culture, hazing, and elitism by insulating orgs from accountability. Politically, it’s red meat for culture war warriors who conflate inclusion with oppression. In short: it’s not about freedom—it’s about preserving privilege while pretending to be persecuted. The real disease here isn’t legislative overreach; it’s the cowardice to admit that some traditions deserve to die. Diagnosis: terminal nostalgia with complications of bad faith. Prognosis: grim, unless the courts intervene—or voters grow a spine.

Related Topics

Education & Student AidCivil Rights & LibertiesResearch & Innovation Policy
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$111,070
23 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$12,400
Committees
$0
Individuals
$98,670

No PAC contributions found

1
HABEMATOLEL POMO OF UPPER LAKE TRIBE OF CALIFORNIA
1 transaction
$3,300
2
OTOE MISSOURIA TRIBE OF OKLAHOMA
1 transaction
$3,300
3
TURTLE MOUNTAIN BAND OF CHIPPEWA OF NORTH DAKOTA
1 transaction
$3,300
4
CHEROKEE NATION
1 transaction
$2,500

No committee contributions found

1
BANKE, BARBARA
2 transactions
$9,900
2
SCHWARZMAN, CHRISTINE
1 transaction
$6,600
3
GRIFFIN, KENNETH
1 transaction
$6,600
4
ROWAN, CAROLYN
1 transaction
$6,600
5
ROWAN, MARC
1 transaction
$6,600
6
KIESLER, DOUGLAS M MR.
1 transaction
$6,600
7
VIELEHR, BYRON
1 transaction
$6,300
8
SMITH, JONATHAN
1 transaction
$6,000
9
SCHWARZMAN, STEPHEN
1 transaction
$5,600
10
DUHAMEL, WILLIAM
1 transaction
$5,000
11
LUCAS, CHARLOTTE
1 transaction
$5,000
12
TARZIAN, THOMAS N. MR.
1 transaction
$4,100
13
CROWE, KEVIN
1 transaction
$3,700
14
BRALY, ANGELA
1 transaction
$3,435
15
BRALY, DOUG
1 transaction
$3,435
16
MORGAN, MATTHEW
1 transaction
$3,300
17
JENNINGS, ROBERT
1 transaction
$3,300
18
PURUCKER, JIM
1 transaction
$3,300
19
ARNOLD, JOHN
1 transaction
$3,300

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 10 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. Garcia, Robert [D-CA-42]

ID: G000598

Top Contributors

28

1
FEDERATED INDIANS OF GRATON RANCHERIA
OrganizationROHNERT PARK, CA
$3,300
May 25, 2023
2
FEDERATED INDIANS OF GRATON RANCHERIA
OrganizationROHNERT PARK, CA
$3,300
May 25, 2023
3
SAN MANUEL BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationLOS ANGELES, CA
$2,500
Jun 28, 2024
4
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$1,650
Dec 22, 2023
5
MORONGO BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationBANNING, CA
$1,000
Dec 31, 2023
6
CHEROKEE NATION
OrganizationTAHLEQUAH, OK
$1,000
Jun 28, 2024
7
SYCUAN BAND OF THE KUMEYAAY NATION
OrganizationEL CAJON, CA
$1,000
Sep 27, 2024
8
MS BAND OF CHOCTAW INDIANS
OrganizationCHOCTAW, MS
$500
Dec 18, 2023
9
SALAS, RALPH
HARBOR BREEZE • PRESIDENT / CEO
IndividualRANCHO PALOS VERDES, CA
$6,600
Feb 20, 2024
10
ABDUL-WAHAB, ANDREW
SHANGRI-LA INDUSTRIES • CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER
IndividualLONG BEACH, CA
$6,600
Jun 30, 2023

Rep. Mann, Tracey [R-KS-1]

ID: M000871

Top Contributors

22

1
PRAIRIE BAND POTAWATOMI NATION
OrganizationMAYETTA, KS
$3,300
Jul 18, 2023
2
HABEMATOLEL POMO OF UPPER LAKE
OrganizationUPPER LAKE, CA
$2,500
Sep 9, 2024
3
DEMETREE, MARK
DEMETREE SALT LLC • CEO
IndividualLEAWOOD, KS
$13,200
Nov 3, 2023
4
CORDES, SHANE L.
MIDWEST ATC • CEO
IndividualCHERRY HILLS VILLA, CO
$13,200
Nov 3, 2023
5
FLOYD, MARTIE
SELF-EMPLOYED • FARMER
IndividualJOHNSON, KS
$6,600
Dec 8, 2023
6
HEBENSTREIT, JAMES
BARTLETT AND COMPANY • PRESIDENT
IndividualKANSAS CITY, MO
$6,600
Dec 4, 2023
7
FLOYD, MARTIE
SELF-EMPLOYED • FARMER
IndividualJOHNSON, KS
$6,600
Dec 8, 2023
8
BARTON, TIMOTHY
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualAUSTIN, TX
$6,600
Nov 2, 2023
9
HURD, MATTHEW D.
INSCO • PRESIDENT
IndividualWELLSVILLE, KS
$6,600
Dec 11, 2023
10
OLSEN, LINDSAY
MORTGAGE INVESTMENT TRUST CORPORATION • PRESIDENT
IndividualPRAIRIE VILLAGE, KS
$6,600
Mar 16, 2023

Rep. Johnson, Dusty [R-SD-At Large]

ID: J000301

Top Contributors

53

1
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$3,300
Oct 31, 2023
2
AK-CHIN INDIAN COMMUNITY
OrganizationMARICOPA, AZ
$3,300
Mar 31, 2023
3
CONFEDERATED TRIBES COLVILLE RESERVATION
OrganizationNESPELEM, WA
$3,300
Mar 31, 2024
4
PECHANGA BAND OF INDIANS
OrganizationTEMECULA, CA
$3,300
Mar 31, 2024
5
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$3,300
Jun 24, 2024
6
MIAMI TRIBE OF OKLAHOMA
OrganizationMIAMI, OK
$3,000
Mar 7, 2024
7
PUYALLUP TRIBE OF INDIANS
OrganizationTACOMA, WA
$2,900
Jun 15, 2023
8
MORONGO BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationBANNING, CA
$2,300
Mar 7, 2024
9
EASTERN BAND OF CHEROKEE INDIANS
OrganizationCHEROKEE, SC
$2,000
Dec 28, 2023
10
SISSETON-WAHPETON OYATE
OrganizationAGENCY VILLAGE, SD
$2,000
Jan 5, 2023

Rep. Carey, Mike [R-OH-15]

ID: C001126

Top Contributors

20

1
KITTLE, JEFFREY
KITTLE PROPERTY GROUP • CEO
IndividualINDIANAPOLIS, IN
$6,600
Oct 24, 2023
2
SCHWARZMAN, CHRISTINE
NONE • RETIRED
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$6,600
Sep 28, 2023
3
SCHWARZMAN, STEPHEN
BLACKSTONE • CEO AND CHAIRMAN
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$6,600
Sep 27, 2023
4
BAGAN, JOSEPH W.
STAQ PHARMA • CEO
IndividualCOLUMBUS, OH
$4,000
Oct 14, 2024
5
BAGAN, JOSEPH W.
IndividualCOLUMBUS, OH
$4,000
Oct 16, 2024
6
BORKOWSKI, BRIAN
HEARTLAND CHARGING SERVICES • COO
IndividualBELLEAIR BEACH, FL
$3,435
Oct 15, 2024
7
FISCHER, ALEX
SELF EMPLOYED • CONSULTING REAL ESTATE
IndividualCOLUMBUS, OH
$3,300
Oct 8, 2024
8
BARRERAS, LORI
STATE OF OHIO • COMMISSIONER, OCRC
IndividualCOLUMBUS, OH
$3,300
Nov 8, 2024
9
LAIRD, JAMES F.
DIAMOND HILL • EXECUTIVE
IndividualDUBLIN, OH
$3,300
Nov 5, 2024
10
RICHARDSON, JOHN G.
SUGARCREEK • CHAIRMAN
IndividualCINCINNATI, OH
$3,300
Dec 16, 2024

Rep. Grothman, Glenn [R-WI-6]

ID: G000576

Top Contributors

21

1
HO CHUNK NATION
OrganizationBLACK RIVER FALLS, WI
$3,300
Oct 28, 2024
2
GENTINE, LOUIS P. II
SARGENTO • EXECUTIVE
IndividualELKHART LAKE, WI
$13,200
Mar 15, 2024
3
SCHLIFSKE, JOHN E.
NORTHWESTERN MUTUAL • GOVERNMENT RELATIONS
IndividualELM GROVE, WI
$6,600
Mar 22, 2024
4
SCHLIFSKE, KIM C.
HOMEMAKER • HOMEMAKER
IndividualELM GROVE, WI
$6,600
Mar 22, 2024
5
LEVY, EDWARD
EDWARD C LEVY CO • CHAIRMAN
IndividualBIRMINGHAM, MI
$6,600
Apr 10, 2024
6
KRESS, DONALD F.
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualGREEN BAY, WI
$5,000
Nov 22, 2023
7
WELLS, CECELIA A.
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualMEQUON, WI
$5,000
Jun 30, 2023
8
WELLS, CECELIA
IndividualMEQUON, WI
$5,000
Jun 30, 2023
9
AYLWARD, RICHARD J. MR.
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualNEENAH, WI
$4,000
Mar 15, 2024
10
KRESS, DONALD F.
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualGREEN BAY, WI
$3,300
Dec 31, 2023

Rep. Hamadeh, Abraham J. [R-AZ-8]

ID: H001098

Top Contributors

24

1
CLB PARTNERS
OrganizationGILBERT, AZ
$12,000
Jan 28, 2024
2
ADVANTAGE INSURANCE PLLC
OrganizationPHOENIX, AZ
$3,300
May 7, 2024
3
JARDIN RATZKEN PLLC
OrganizationTEMPE, AZ
$1,000
Feb 26, 2024
4
JARDIN RATZKEN PLLC
OrganizationTEMPE, AZ
$1,000
Mar 26, 2024
5
HAMADEH, WASEEM J
HOH INVESTMENT GROUP • MANAGING MEMBER
IndividualPHOENIX, AZ
$13,200
Dec 29, 2023
6
MANLEY, DWIGHT
SELF-EMPLOYED • INVESTMENTS
IndividualBREA, CA
$13,200
Dec 13, 2023
7
HAYDEN, STEPHEN
ENTREPRENEUR • ENTREPRENEUR
IndividualELLENSBURG, WA
$13,200
Mar 14, 2024
8
PRICE, KAPU
PATRIOT DISPOSAL • SELF-EMPLOYED
IndividualPRESCOTT, AZ
$13,200
Feb 29, 2024
9
HAYDEN, STEPHEN
ENTREPRENEUR • ENTREPRENEUR
IndividualELLENSBURG, WA
$13,200
Mar 14, 2024
10
NOWOCIEN, PIOTR
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualPINECREST, FL
$9,900
Mar 16, 2024

Rep. Fry, Russell [R-SC-7]

ID: F000478

Top Contributors

24

1
EASTERN BAND OF CHEROKEE INDIANS
OrganizationCHEROKEE, NC
$3,300
Feb 20, 2024
2
EASTERN BAND OF CHEROKEE INDIANS
OrganizationCHEROKEE, NC
$3,300
Sep 5, 2024
3
RMS LLC
OrganizationHOOVER, AL
$2,500
Sep 5, 2024
4
ROBERT S GUYTON PC
OrganizationMYRTLE BEACH, SC
$1,000
Jun 17, 2024
5
GAMBLE, KATHRYN
UNAKA CO • BUSINESS EXECUTIVE
IndividualDALLAS, TX
$6,600
Jul 15, 2024
6
AUSTIN, ROBERT
UNAKA CO., INC. • BUSINESSMAN
IndividualDALLAS, TX
$6,600
Jul 19, 2024
7
MOORE, KEVIN
R.H. MOORE COMPANY, INC. • CONSTRUCTION
IndividualPAWLEYS ISLAND, SC
$6,600
Aug 20, 2024
8
LOWELL, RANDY
BURR FORMAN • ATTORNEY
IndividualISLE OF PALMS, SC
$3,435
Dec 2, 2024
9
GRUBBS, WESLEY
BEACH FORD • CAR DEALER
IndividualMYRTLE BEACH, SC
$3,435
May 30, 2024
10
WOOTEN, GAIL
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualMURRELLS INLET, SC
$3,435
Jun 19, 2024

Rep. Hinson, Ashley [R-IA-2]

ID: H001091

Top Contributors

0

No contribution data available

Rep. Moore, Blake D. [R-UT-1]

ID: M001213

Top Contributors

24

1
JLS HOLDINGS LLC
OrganizationSALT LAKE CITY, UT
$9,900
Jul 13, 2023
2
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$3,300
May 16, 2024
3
HEMMCO LLC
OrganizationOREM, UT
$2,500
Sep 15, 2023
4
R & O CONSTRUCTION
OrganizationOGDEN, UT
$2,500
Sep 13, 2023
5
PARKER, ALEXANDRA
APERCEN PARTNERS, LLC
IndividualPALO ALTO, CA
$6,600
Sep 20, 2024
6
PARKER, SEAN
APERCEN PARTNERS, LLC
IndividualPALO ALTO, CA
$6,600
Sep 20, 2024
7
KAUFMAN, TRENT
MGT • EXECUTIVE
IndividualHOLLADAY, UT
$6,600
Sep 9, 2024
8
MOORE, BRENT
SOLTIS ADVISORS • PARTNER
IndividualSALT LAKE CITY, UT
$6,000
Sep 26, 2024
9
MOORE, BRENT
SOLTIS ADVISORS • PARTNER
IndividualSALT LAKE CITY, UT
$6,000
Sep 26, 2024
10
CHANG, JASON
IndividualMENLO PARK, CA
$3,300
Oct 30, 2024

Rep. Walkinshaw, James R. [D-VA-11]

ID: W000831

Top Contributors

0

No contribution data available

Donor Network - Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9]

PACs
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Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

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Showing 57 nodes and 54 connections

Total contributions: $54

Top Donors - Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9]

Showing top 23 donors by contribution amount

4 Orgs19 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 helped.

  • Section 3(b)(2) protects single-sex social organizations from adverse actions by institutions of higher education, which could benefit for-profit education institutions that may have such organizations on campus.

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Department of Labor and Related Agencies

Moderate
Vector: 62%
Pages: 618-620AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill aligns with Project 2025's emphasis on biological sex distinctions and religious freedom by protecting single-sex organizations based on sex-based membership and allowing religious institutions to maintain policies consistent with their mission, reflecting shared themes of sex-based categorization and religious autonomy."

Key themes:biological sexreligious exemptionsfreedom of associationsex-based policiesinstitutional autonomy

— 585 — Department of Labor and Related Agencies l Direct agencies to refocus enforcement of sex discrimination laws. The President should direct agencies to focus their enforcement of sex discrimination laws on the biological binary meaning of “sex.” PRO-LIFE MEASURES l Promote pro-life workplace accommodations for mothers. Federal law should protect life and promote pro-family policies. Current law, the Pregnancy Discrimination Act,3 provides nondiscrimination protections in the workplace for pregnancy, childbirth, or related medical conditions. The Pregnant Workers Fairness Act (PWFA)4 requires employers to make reasonable accommodations for women “to the known limitations related to the pregnancy, childbirth, or related medical conditions,” unless “the accommodation would impose an undue hardship on the operation of the [employer’s] business.” The Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) also provides nondiscrimination and accommodation protections in the workplace for certain pregnancy-related disability.5 None of these laws requires an employer provide health insurance benefits for elective abortion. l Pass a law requiring equal (or greater) benefits for pro-life support for mothers and clarifying abortion exclusions. Congress should pass a law requiring that to the extent an employer provides employee benefits for abortion, it must provide equal or greater benefits for pregnancy, childbirth, maternity, and adoption. That law should also clarify that no employer is required to provide any accommodations or benefits for abortion. l Keep anti-life “benefits” out of benefit plans. Some benefits attorneys and pro-choice advocates have argued since the Supreme Court’s Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization decision6 that the longstanding doctrine of Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 (ERISA)7 preemption should block individual states’ efforts to prohibit employers from helping employees procure abortions via offering various kinds of coverage under employee-sponsored benefit plans. ERISA should not be allowed to trump states’ ability to protect innocent human life in the womb. Congress and DOL should clarify that ERISA does not preempt states’ power to restrict abortion, surrogacy, or other anti-life “benefits.” RELIGION l Provide robust protections for religious employers. America’s religious diversity means that workplaces include people of many faiths and that many employers are faith-based. Nevertheless, the Biden Administration has been hostile to people of faith, especially those with traditional beliefs — 586 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise about marriage, gender, and sexuality. The new Administration should enact policies with robust respect for religious exercise in the workplace, including under the First Amendment, the Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993 (RFRA),8 Title VII, and federal conscience protection laws. l Issue an executive order protecting religious employers and employees. The President should make clear via executive order that religious employers are free to run their businesses according to their religious beliefs, general nondiscrimination laws notwithstanding, and support participation of religious employees and employers as federal contractors and in federal activities and programs. l Clarify Title VII’s religious organization exemptions. Congress should clarify Title VII’s religious organization exemptions to make it more explicit that those employers may make employment decisions based on religion regardless of nondiscrimination laws. l Provide Robust Accommodations for Religious Employees. Title VII requires reasonable accommodations for an employee’s sincerely held religious beliefs, observances, or practices unless it poses an undue hardship on the employer’s business. These accommodation protections also apply to issues related to marriage, gender, and sexuality. Unless the Supreme Court overrules its bad precedent, Congress should clarify that undue hardship means “significant difficulty or expenses,” not “more than a de minimis cost” as the Court has previously held. General EEOC Reforms. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commis- sion (EEOC) does not have rulemaking authority under Title VII and other laws it enforces, yet it issues “guidance,” “technical assistance,” and other documents, including some that push new policy positions. EEOC should disclaim its regulatory pretensions and abide by the guidance reforms dis- cussed below. l EEOC should disclaim its regulatory pretensions. l Affirm decision-making via majority vote of Commissioners. EEOC should affirm as policy the Title VII requirement that it exercise substantive power via majority vote of Commissioners, not by unilateral Chair action or by delegation to staff.

Department of Agriculture

Moderate
Vector: 62%
Pages: 353-355AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill aligns with Project 2025's emphasis on reducing federal overreach in education and protecting institutional and individual autonomy from ideological mandates, particularly by limiting federal-funded institutions' ability to restrict single-sex organizations under the guise of equity or inclusion. However, the bill operates within the existing federal higher education framework (amending HEA) rather than advocating for block grants or state/local control, which limits direct alignment wi"

Key themes:education autonomyfederal funding conditionsopposition to ideological mandatesinstitutional freedomassociational rights

— 320 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise The future of education freedom and reform in the states is bright and will shine brighter when regulations and red tape from Washington are eliminated. Federal money is inevitably accompanied by rules and regulations that keep the influx of funds from having much, if any, impact on student outcomes. It raises the cost of education without raising student achievement. To the extent that federal taxpayer dollars are used to fund education programs, those funds should be block- granted to states without strings, eliminating the need for many federal and state bureaucrats. Eventually, policymaking and funding should take place at the state and local level, closest to the affected families. Although student loans and grants should ultimately be restored to the private sector (or, at the very least, the federal government should revisit its role as a guarantor, rather than direct lender) federal postsecondary education investments should bolster economic growth, and recipient institutions should nourish academic freedom and embrace intellectual diversity. That has not, however, been the track record of federal higher education policy or of the many institutions of higher education that are hostile to free expression, open academic inquiry, and American exceptionalism. Federal post- secondary policy should be more than massive, inefficient, and open-ended subsidies to “traditional” colleges and universities. It should be rebalanced to focus far more on bolstering the workforce skills of Americans who have no interest in pursuing a four- year academic degree. It should reflect a fuller picture of learning after high school, placing apprenticeship programs of all types and career and technical education on an even playing field with degrees from colleges and universities. Rather than continuing to buttress a higher education establishment captured by woke “diversicrats” and a de facto monopoly enforced by the federal accreditation cartel, federal postsecondary education policy should prepare students for jobs in the dynamic economy, nurture institutional diversity, and expose schools to greater market forces.1 OVERVIEW For most of our history, the federal government played a minor role in education. Then, over a 14-month period beginning in 1964, Congress planted the seeds for what would become the U.S. Department of Education (ED or the department). In July of that year, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed into law the Civil Rights Act of 1964, after Congress reached a consensus that the mistreatment of black Americans was no longer tolerable and merited a federal response. In the case of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965 (ESEA)2 and the Higher Education Act of 1965 (HEA),3 Congress sought to improve educational outcomes for disadvantaged students by providing additional compensatory funding for low-income children and lower-income college students. Spending on ESEA and the HEA—part of Johnson’s “War on Poverty”—grew exponentially in the years that followed. By Fiscal Year 2022, ESEA programs received $27.7 billion in appropriations, in addition to $190 billion that came — 321 — Department of Education through the pandemic’s Elementary and Secondary Schools Emergency Relief (ESSER) Funds,4 which relied on ESEA formulas. The same year, the department spent more than $2 billion just to administer Title IV of the HEA, which authorizes federal student loans and Pell grants. It provided $22.5 billion in Pell grants, and it oversaw outlays of close to $100 billion in direct student loans. Since 1965, Congress has continued to layer on dozens of new laws and pro- grams as federal “solutions” to myriad education problems. In 1973, it passed the Rehabilitation Act,5 and, in 1975, the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA)6 to address educational neglect of students with disabilities. In 2002, it cre- ated the Institute for Education Sciences to consolidate education data collection and fund research. Congress has also enacted a series of Carl D. Perkins Career and Technical Education Acts, including Perkins V in 2018.7 Congress could have, and once did, distribute management of federal education programs outside of a single department. But for those interested in expanding federal funding and influence in education, this unconsolidated approach was less than ideal, because a single, captive agency would allow them to promote their agenda more effectively across Administrations. Eventually, the National Educa- tion Association made a deal and backed the right presidential candidate— Jimmy Carter—who successfully lobbied for and delivered the Cabinet-level agency. When it was established in 1979—becoming operational in 1980—the agency was supposed to act as a “corralling” mechanism. Carter signed the Department of Education Organization Act8 into law in 1979, believing in part that it would reduce administrative costs and improve efficiency by housing most of the federal education programs that had proliferated in the wake of Johnson’s War on Poverty under one roof. It has had the opposite effect. Instead, special interest groups like the National Education Association (NEA), American Federation of Teachers (AFT), and the higher education lobby have leveraged the agency to continuously expand federal expenditures—a desirable funding stream from their vantage point because federal budgets are not constrained like state and local budgets that must be balanced each year. By FY 2022, the department’s discretionary and mandatory appropriation topped $80 billion, not including student loan outlays. Each of its programs has attendant federal strings and red tape. One recent example is the Biden Administration’s requirement that state educa- tion agencies and school districts submit “equity” plans as a condition of receiving COVID recovery ESSER funds in the American Rescue Plan (ARP).9 This exercise led to the hiring of numerous new government employees as the rules were pro- mulgated, plans were created after collecting public feedback, and those plans were eventually deemed satisfactory. The next Administration will need a plan to redistribute the various congres- sionally approved federal education programs across the government, eliminate

Department of Education

Weak
Vector: 65%
Pages: 383-385AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill focuses on protecting freedom of association for students in single-sex social organizations in higher education, while the Project 2025 policy excerpt centers on K–12 education reform, school choice, opting out of federal programs, and accreditation reform in higher education—particularly targeting DEI mandates. There is minimal thematic overlap, as the bill does not address school choice, federal opt-outs, or accreditation changes tied to DEI or religious mission protection."

Key themes:higher educationinstitutional autonomystudent rights

— 351 — Department of Education as the Educational Choice for Children Act. This bill would create a federal scholarship tax credit that would incentivize donors to contribute to nonprofit scholarship granting organizations (SGOs). Eligible families could then use that funding from the SGOs for their children’s education expenses including private school tuition, tutoring, and instructional materials. ADDITIONAL K–12 REFORMS Allowing States to Opt Out of Federal Education Programs. States should be able to opt out of federal education programs such as the Academic Partnerships Lead Us to Success (APLUS) Act. Much of the red tape and regulations that hinder local school districts are handed down from Washington. This regulatory burden far exceeds the federal government’s less than 10 percent financing share of K–12 education. In the most recent fiscal year (FY 2022), states and localities financed 93 percent of K–12 education costs, and the federal government just 7 percent. That 7 percent share should not allow the federal government to dictate state and local education policy. l To restore state and local control of education and reduce the bureaucratic and compliance burden, Congress should allow states to opt out of the dozens of federal K–12 education programs authorized under the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, and instead allow states to put their share of federal funding toward any lawful education purpose under state law. This policy has been advanced over the years via a proposal known as the Academic Partnerships Lead Us to Success (APLUS) Act. HIGHER EDUCATION REFORM HEA: Accreditation Reform Congress established two primary responsibilities for the U.S. Department of Education in the HEA: 1) to ensure the “administrative capacity and financial responsibility” of colleges and universities that accept Title IV funds; and 2) to ensure the quality of those institutions. Congress did not endow the Department of Education with the authority to involve itself in academic quality issues relating to colleges and universities that participate in the Title IV student aid program; the HEA allows the agency only to recognize accreditors, which are then supposed to provide quality assurance measures. Unfortunately, the Biden Administration has followed closely in the footsteps of the Obama Administration by engaging in a politically motivated and incon- sistent administration of the accrediting agency recognition process. As a result, accreditors have transformed into de facto government agents. Despite claims by — 352 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise the department and accreditation agencies that accreditation is voluntary, the fact that Americans are denied access to an otherwise widely available entitle- ment benefit if the institution “elects” to not be accredited makes accreditation anything but voluntary. Today, accreditation determines whether Americans can access federal student aid benefits, transfer academic credits, enroll in higher-level degree programs, and even qualify for federal employment. Unnecessarily focused on schools in a specific geographic region, institutional accreditation reviews have also become wildly expensive audits by academic “peers” that stifle innovation and discourage new institutions of higher education. Of par- ticular concern are efforts by many accreditation agencies to leverage their Title IV (student loans and grants) gatekeeper roles to force institutions to adopt policies that have nothing to do with academic quality assurance and student outcomes. One egregious example of this is the extent to which accreditors have forced col- leges and universities, many of them faith-based institutions, to adopt diversity, equity, and inclusion policies that conflict with federal civil rights laws, state laws, and the institutional mission and culture of the schools. Perhaps more distress- ingly, accreditors, while professing support for academic freedom and campus free speech, have presided over a precipitous decline in both over the past decade. Despite maintaining criteria that demand such policies, accreditors have done nothing to dampen the illiberal chill that has swept across American campuses over the past decade. The current system is not working. A radical overhaul of the HEA’s accreditation requirements is thus in order. The next Administration should work with Congress to amend the HEA and should consider the following reforms: l Prohibit accreditation agencies from leveraging their Title IV gatekeeper role to mandate that educational institutions adopt diversity, equity, and inclusion policies. l Protect the sovereignty of states to decide governance and leadership issues for their state-supported colleges and universities by prohibiting accreditation agencies from intruding upon the governance of state-supported educational institutions. l Protect faith-based institutions by prohibiting accreditation agencies from: 1. Requiring standards and criteria that undermine the religious beliefs of, or require policies or conduct that conflict with, the religious mission or religious beliefs of the institution; and

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About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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