The bill
RESET Act
HR. 6488, 119th Congress — read as touching Big Tech Platforms.
Sponsored by
Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9]
ID: H001093
Follow the money
The bill
HR. 6488, 119th Congress — read as touching Big Tech Platforms.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
24 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "Federal Trade Commission" section, p. 908-910 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Forwarded by Subcommittee to Full Committee (Amended) by Voice Vote.
August 31, 2026
📍 Current Status
Next: The bill moves to the floor for full chamber debate and voting.
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
**Summary of H.R. 6488: The RESET Act (Reducing Exploitative Social Media Exposure for Teens Act)**
**1. Main Purpose & Objectives** The RESET Act aims to ban minors from creating or maintaining accounts on certain social media platforms, framing it as a protective measure against the alleged harms of early social media exposure—addiction, mental health deterioration, and exploitation. Its stated goal is to "reduce exploitative exposure" by legally preventing platforms from knowingly allowing users under 18 to have accounts. In reality, this is less about child welfare and more about politicians performing digital-age paternalism while ignoring root causes like algorithmic design, corporate greed, and parental neglect. It’s a legislative band-aid on a hemorrhaging wound—designed to look tough on tech while avoiding any meaningful regulation of the platforms themselves.
**2. Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law** The bill prohibits "covered platforms" (undefined, but clearly targeting major social media companies) from allowing minors to create or maintain accounts if the platform *knows* the user is a minor—a loophole the size of a data center, since platforms can plausibly deny knowledge. It mandates: - Identification of minor accounts within 60 days of enactment. - Notification to users within 180 days. - Termination of those accounts within 210 days total. - Deletion of personal data upon termination, with a 90-day window for minors to request a copy of their data in a portable format (to be fulfilled within 45 days of request). Enforcement is delegated to the FTC, treating violations as unfair or deceptive practices under the FTC Act, allowing civil penalties and injunctions. States may also sue as parens patriae, but only if no federal action is pending—creating a bureaucratic turf war over who gets to grandstand.
**3. Affected Parties & Stakeholders** - **Minors**: Theoretically "protected," but in practice, cut off from digital social spaces where many find community, support, and self-expression—especially LGBTQ+ youth and those in unsupportive households. - **Social Media Platforms**: Forced to implement unreliable age verification (likely ineffective, privacy-invasive, and costly) or face fines. They’ll likely respond with superficial compliance while lobbying to weaken the bill’s definition of "covered platform." - **Parents**: Given a false sense of security, relieved of the burden of actual parenting or digital literacy education. - **FTC & State AGs**: Granted new enforcement powers—another opportunity for performative lawsuits and press releases. - **Lobbyists & Lawyers**: Already drafting loopholes and compliance strategies. The real winners.
**4. Potential Impact & Implications** This bill is unlikely to meaningfully protect children. Age verification is notoriously easy to circumvent (fake IDs, borrowed devices, lying), and the "knowledge" standard lets platforms off the hook if they claim ignorance—which they will. The real impact will be: - A chilling effect on minors’ access to information, peer networks, and mental health resources. - Increased surveillance and data collection under the guise of compliance (hello, biometric age checks). - No reduction in addictive design, harmful content, or data exploitation—just a shift in who gets to exploit minors (now with plausible deniability). - A dangerous precedent: government dictating who may participate in online discourse based on age, raising serious First Amendment concerns.
Ultimately, the RESET Act is a feel-good placebo for a society too lazy to confront the real issues: unchecked corporate power, predatory engagement algorithms, and a culture that outsources child-rearing to Silicon Valley. It treats the symptom (minors on social media) while ignoring the disease (a profit-driven attention economy that harms everyone). In short: it’s not about saving kids—it’s about politicians looking like they’re trying, while the machine rolls on.
Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
No PAC contributions found
No committee contributions found
This bill has 2 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.
ID: B001257
Top Contributors
21
ID: G000589
Top Contributors
23
Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Showing 57 nodes and 54 connections
Total contributions: $54
Showing top 23 donors by contribution amount
Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 2 harmed.
Section 2(a) prohibits covered platforms from allowing minors to create or maintain an account, which could lead to a loss of users and revenue for big tech platforms.
Although not directly targeted, ecommerce and retail tech platforms may be indirectly affected by the provisions in Section 2, potentially limiting their ability to collect data from minors and impacting their marketing strategies.
For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
AI Analysis:
"The RESET Act directly implements the Project 2025 policy objective by empowering the FTC to protect children online through prohibitions on platform access for minors, enforcement against deceptive or unfair data practices, and requiring parental oversight—aligning precisely with the call to treat child-targeted contracts as unfair trade practices and extend protections beyond COPPA’s limitations."
— 875 — Federal Trade Commission Protecting Children Online. The FTC has long protected children in a variety of different contexts. Internet platforms profit from obtaining information from children without parents’ knowledge or consent—and social media’s effect on the well-being of American children is well-documented. Around 2012, American teens experienced a dramatic decline in wellness. Depression, self-harm, suicide attempts, and suicide all increased sharply among U.S. adolescents between 2011 and 2019,16 with similar trends worldwide.17 The increase occurred at the same time that social media use moved from rare to ubiquitous among teens,18 making social media a prime suspect for the sudden rise in mental health issues among teens. In addition, excessive social media use is strongly linked to mental health issues among individuals. Several studies strongly support the notion that social media use is a cause, not just a correlation, of subjective well-being and poor mental health.19 Social media and other large platforms form millions of contracts every year with American children. And even though a minor can void most contracts into which he or she enters, most jurisdictions have laws that hold minors accountable for the benefits received under the contract. Thus, children can make enforceable contracts for which parents could end up bearing responsibility. Targeting chil- dren to create potentially harmful contracts or making parents responsible for such contractual relationships is an unfair trade practice. The FTC, therefore, has the authority, interest, and duty to protect children online from such contractual relationships. l The FTC should examine platforms’ advertising and contract- making with children as a deceptive or unfair trade practice, perhaps requiring written parental consent. Currently, the Child Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA)20 regulates the information internet firms can obtain from children. COPPA fails because it (1) only protects children under the age of 13, leaving older teenagers completely unprotected and (2) only prohibits platforms from collecting information from a child using “actual knowledge” rather than abiding by the “constructive knowledge” standard, which prohibits collecting information from a user reasonably assumed to be underage. The FTC has rulemaking authority under this statute but has done little with this authority, nor can it—given the statutory constraints. However, l The FTC can and should institute unfair trade practices proceedings against entities that enter into contracts with children without parental consent. Personal parental responsibility is, of course, key, but the law must respect, not undermine, lawful parental authority.
AI Analysis:
"The RESET Act strongly aligns with Project 2025’s FTC policy objective of protecting children online by targeting exploitative data practices and harmful platform contracts with minors, particularly through FTC enforcement authority and parental consent mechanisms. Both emphasize the FTC’s role in addressing unfair or deceptive practices related to children’s online engagement and data collection."
— 875 — Federal Trade Commission Protecting Children Online. The FTC has long protected children in a variety of different contexts. Internet platforms profit from obtaining information from children without parents’ knowledge or consent—and social media’s effect on the well-being of American children is well-documented. Around 2012, American teens experienced a dramatic decline in wellness. Depression, self-harm, suicide attempts, and suicide all increased sharply among U.S. adolescents between 2011 and 2019,16 with similar trends worldwide.17 The increase occurred at the same time that social media use moved from rare to ubiquitous among teens,18 making social media a prime suspect for the sudden rise in mental health issues among teens. In addition, excessive social media use is strongly linked to mental health issues among individuals. Several studies strongly support the notion that social media use is a cause, not just a correlation, of subjective well-being and poor mental health.19 Social media and other large platforms form millions of contracts every year with American children. And even though a minor can void most contracts into which he or she enters, most jurisdictions have laws that hold minors accountable for the benefits received under the contract. Thus, children can make enforceable contracts for which parents could end up bearing responsibility. Targeting chil- dren to create potentially harmful contracts or making parents responsible for such contractual relationships is an unfair trade practice. The FTC, therefore, has the authority, interest, and duty to protect children online from such contractual relationships. l The FTC should examine platforms’ advertising and contract- making with children as a deceptive or unfair trade practice, perhaps requiring written parental consent. Currently, the Child Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA)20 regulates the information internet firms can obtain from children. COPPA fails because it (1) only protects children under the age of 13, leaving older teenagers completely unprotected and (2) only prohibits platforms from collecting information from a child using “actual knowledge” rather than abiding by the “constructive knowledge” standard, which prohibits collecting information from a user reasonably assumed to be underage. The FTC has rulemaking authority under this statute but has done little with this authority, nor can it—given the statutory constraints. However, l The FTC can and should institute unfair trade practices proceedings against entities that enter into contracts with children without parental consent. Personal parental responsibility is, of course, key, but the law must respect, not undermine, lawful parental authority. — 876 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Other conservatives are more skeptical concerning the effect of online expe- rience on the young, comparing the concern about social media to concern about video games, television, and bicycle safety. They point out, as does Cato fellow Jeffrey A. Singer, that the psychiatric profession has yet to designate “internet addiction” or “social media addiction” as a mental disorder in the authoritative Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5-TR).21 These con- servatives also maintain that calling for regulation undermines conservatives’ calls for parental empowerment on education or vaccines as well as personal parenting responsibility. In addition, some of the methods used to regulate children’s internet access pose the risk of unintended harms. For instance, age verification regulations would inevitably increase the amount of data collection involved, increasing privacy con- cerns. Users would have to submit to platforms proof of their age, which raises the risks of data breach or illegitimate data usage by the platforms or bad actors. Limited-government conservatives would prefer the FTC play an educational role instead. That might include best practices or educational programs to empower parents online. Antitrust Enforcement. As is evidenced by a relentless focus on bringing Big Tech lawsuits, state attorneys general (AGs) are far more responsive to their con- stituents than is the FTC. Such a “boots on the ground” approach would benefit the FTC enormously. Practically, this would mean establishing a distinct role in the FTC Chairman’s office focused on state AG cooperation and inviting state AGs to Washington, D.C., to discuss enforcement policy in key sectors under the FTC’s jurisdiction: Big Tech, hospital mergers, supermarket mergers, and so forth. FTC regional offices are substantially more in touch with local issues. Over the past few decades, the reach and influence of regional offices has shrunk dramati- cally. The FTC should consider returning authority to these offices. Some conservatives however are less supportive of this idea. Conservative enthusiasm for the idea of adding regional FTC offices to the states is a break from the majority conservative position. Endorsing the federal government as a pre- mier job creator runs counter to decades of conservative opinion that holds that New Deal agencies and subsequent government bodies should never have been created in the first place, and that their red tape and interference is a dominant cause of economic inefficiency. Republicans used to seethe when Democrats tried to move federal offices into the states. In the early 1990s, House Minority Whip Newt Gingrich fumed about Senator Robert Byrd’s campaign to transfer certain national intelligence facilities to West Virginia, calling it a “pure abuse of power.” Some contributors to this chapter would remind conservatives that the unseen mechanics of redistribution—by which taxpayer money paid to state employees is taken from taxpayers nationwide—is a drag on the economy of the entire country. Many conservatives fear that it would be impossible to uproot or even prune back
AI Analysis:
"The RESET Act aligns strongly with Project 2025's goal of empowering consumers and protecting young children from accessing social media despite age restrictions, particularly through its focus on enforcing age limits, data deletion, and platform accountability under consumer protection frameworks."
— 849 — Federal Communications Commission Big Tech, and it should look to Section 230 and the Consolidated Reporting Act as potential sources of authority.19 In acting, the FCC could require these platforms to provide greater specificity regarding their terms of service, and it could hold them accountable by prohibiting actions that are inconsistent with those plain and particular terms. Within this framework, Big Tech should be required to offer a transparent appeals process that allows for the challenging of pretextual takedowns or other actions that violate clear rules of the road. l Support legislation that scraps Section 230’s current approach. The FCC should work with Congress on more fundamental Section 230 reforms that go beyond interpreting its current terms. Congress should do so by ensuring that Internet companies no longer have carte blanche to censor protected speech while maintaining their Section 230 protections. As part of those reforms, the FCC should work with Congress to ensure that antidiscrimination provisions are applied to Big Tech—including “back-end” companies that provide hosting services and DDoS protection. Reforms that prohibit discrimination against core political viewpoints are one way to do this and would track the approach taken in a social media law passed in Texas, which was upheld on appeal in late 2022 by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit.20 In all of this, Congress can make certain points clear. It could focus legislation on dominant, general-use platforms rather than specialized ones. This could include excluding comment sections in online publications, specialized message boards, or communities within larger platforms that self-moderate. Similarly, Congress could legislate in a way that does not require any platform to host illegal content; child pornography; terrorist speech; and indecent, profane, or similar categories of speech that Congress has previously carved out. l Support efforts to empower consumers. The FCC and Congress should work together to formulate rules that empower consumers. Section 230 itself codifies “user control” as an express policy goal and encourages Internet platforms to provide tools that will “empower” users to engage in their own content moderation. As Congress takes up reforms, it should therefore be mindful of how we can return to Internet users the power to control their online experiences. One idea is to empower consumers to choose their own content filters and fact checkers, if any. The FCC should also work with Congress to ensure stronger protections against young children accessing social media sites despite age restrictions that generally prohibit their use of these sites.
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.