Sustainable International Financial Institutions Act of 2025

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Bill ID: 119/hr/5952
Last Updated: November 10, 2025

Sponsored by

Rep. Huffman, Jared [D-CA-2]

ID: H001068

Follow the money

The bill

Sustainable International Financial Institutions Act of 2025

HR. 5952, 119th Congress — read as touching Oil & Gas.

The sponsor

Rep. Huffman, Jared [D-CA-2]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$88,600 raised

30 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

55% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Department of Energy and Related Commissions" section, p. 419-421 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

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Committee Review

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Passed Senate

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House Review

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Became Law

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1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the 119th Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?

**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The Sustainable International Financial Institutions Act of 2025 (HR 5952) claims to promote a clean energy economy by leveraging the United States' influence in international financial institutions (IFIs). The bill's primary objective is to strong-arm these IFIs into abandoning fossil fuel projects and investing in "clean" energy initiatives. How noble.

**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill amends the International Financial Institutions Act, requiring U.S. Executive Directors at IFIs to:

1. Vote against policies supporting new fossil fuel capacity. 2. Channel assistance toward countries building clean energy systems. 3. Phase out funding for internal combustion engines by 2031.

It also introduces a reduction in U.S. contributions to IFIs that invest in fossil fuels, with the amount withheld deposited into an escrow account until the institution complies with the bill's requirements.

**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The usual suspects:

* International financial institutions (IFIs) * Countries and entities receiving funding from IFIs * The U.S. Treasury Department (responsible for enforcing the bill's provisions) * Environmental groups and climate change activists (who will likely claim victory, despite this bill being a mere Band-Aid on a bullet wound)

**Potential Impact & Implications:** Let's not be naive here. This bill is a symbolic gesture, a PR stunt designed to appease the environmental lobby while doing little to address the root causes of climate change.

In reality:

* The bill will likely lead to increased costs for developing countries, which may struggle to transition to "clean" energy. * It may also create new opportunities for corruption and cronyism, as governments and corporations jockey for position in the "clean" energy market. * The escrow account mechanism is a farce, allowing the U.S. government to claim it's taking action while actually doing nothing to address the underlying issues.

In short, this bill is a classic case of legislative placebo: it makes politicians feel good, but accomplishes little. It's a symptom of a deeper disease – the inability of governments to tackle complex problems with meaningful solutions. Instead, they opt for shallow, symbolic gestures that only serve to further entrench the status quo.

Now, if you'll excuse me, I have better things to do than waste my time on this legislative quackery.

Related Topics

Climate Change & SustainabilityEnergy Production & Conservation
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Huffman, Jared [D-CA-2]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$88,600
23 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$88,600
Committees
$0
Individuals
$0

No PAC contributions found

1
SANTA ROSA RANCHERIA
1 transaction
$6,600
2
SAN MANUEL BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
2 transactions
$6,600
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SHINGLE SPRINGS BAND MIWOK INDIANS
2 transactions
$6,600
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SAN PABLO LYTTON CASINO
2 transactions
$6,600
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FEDERATED INDIANS OF GRATON RANCHERIA
2 transactions
$6,600
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POARCH BAND OF CREEK INDIANS
2 transactions
$6,600
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UNITED AUBURN INDIAN COMMUNITY OF THE AUBURN RANCHERIA
2 transactions
$5,800
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CHEROKEE NATION
2 transactions
$4,300
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MOHEGAN TRIBE OF INDIANS OF CONNECTICUT
1 transaction
$3,300
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MOORETOWN RANCHERIA
1 transaction
$3,300
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PECHANGA BAND OF INDIANS
1 transaction
$3,300
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MUSCOGEE CREEK NATION
1 transaction
$3,300
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AGUA CALIENTE BAND OF CAHUILLA INDIANS
1 transaction
$3,300
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SYCUAN BAND OF THE KUMEYAAY NATION
1 transaction
$3,300
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YOCHA DEHE WINTUN NATION
1 transaction
$3,300
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TOLOWA DEE-NI' NATION
1 transaction
$3,300
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THE CHICKASAW NATION
1 transaction
$2,500
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MATCH-E-BE-NASH-SHE-WISH BAND OF POTTAWATOMI INDIANS
1 transaction
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PUEBLO OF LAGUNA
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CHER-AE HEIGHTS INDIAN COMMUNITY
1 transaction
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CATAWBA INDIAN NATION
1 transaction
$1,500
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ONEIDA NATION OF WISCONSIN
1 transaction
$1,000
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COLORADO RIVER INDIAN TRIBES
1 transaction
$1,000

No committee contributions found

No individual contributions found

Donor Network - Rep. Huffman, Jared [D-CA-2]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

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Showing 72 nodes and 30 connections (87 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $88,600

Top Donors - Rep. Huffman, Jared [D-CA-2]

Showing top 23 donors by contribution amount

23 Orgs

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 2 helped, 4 harmed.

  • −Oil & Gasconfidence 0.95

    Section 2001(a)(2) requires US Executive Directors to oppose any policy reform, investment, loan, or extension of assistance that creates or expands fossil fuel activity, including refurbishment or life extension of existing fossil fuel capacity. Section 2001(b)(1) reduces US contributions to international financial institutions by the amount of their investments/loans that create new fossil fuel capacity. Section 3 prohibits US Government assistance (loans, insurance, guarantees, etc.) to any c

  • −Coal Miningconfidence 0.95

    Section 2001(d)(1) defines fossil fuel activity to include exploration, development, mining or production, processing, refining, transportation, combustion, distribution, or marketing of coal. Sections 2001(a)(2), 2001(b), and 3 prohibit US support for such activity via international financial institutions and direct US assistance, directly impacting coal mining operations and related projects.

  • Section 2001(d)(1) explicitly includes transportation (including pipelines transporting gas, oil, or products thereof) in the definition of fossil fuel activity. Sections 2001(a)(2), 2001(b), and 3 prohibit US support for such activity, affecting pipelines, LNG export terminals, storage, and other midstream energy infrastructure.

  • +Renewable Energyconfidence 0.90

    Section 2001(a)(1) requires US Executive Directors to use the voice and vote of the United States to advance the cause of reducing greenhouse gas emissions and transitioning the global economy to a clean energy economy, including by seeking to channel assistance toward countries and entities building clean and sustainable energy systems. This directs international financial institution support toward renewable energy projects, creating a market expansion for solar, wind, geothermal, and hydroele

  • −Electric Utilitiesconfidence 0.85

    While the bill does not directly regulate domestic electric utilities, Section 2001(a)(3) supports phasing out funding for internal combustion engines for passenger vehicles and buses by 2031, which could increase electricity demand for EVs and affect utility load management. More directly, Sections 2001 and 3 restrict international financing for fossil fuel power plants, which could limit opportunities for utilities with overseas fossil fuel investments or reduce demand for fossil fuel-based po

  • Section 2001(a)(3) requires US Executive Directors to support the phasing out of funding for internal combustion engines for passenger vehicles and buses by 2031 in a way that is sustainable and sensitive to communities in need of mobility. This policy shift encourages international financial institutions to redirect funding from ICE vehicles to electric vehicles, expanding the market for EV manufacturers, battery makers, and charging networks.

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Department of Energy and Related Commissions

Weak
Vector: 64%
Pages: 419-421AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill focuses on leveraging U.S. influence in international financial institutions to phase out fossil fuels and promote clean energy, while the Project 2025 policy excerpt concerns reforming the Energy Information Administration's data objectivity and forecasting methods—there is minimal thematic overlap between the two."

Key themes:energy policyfederal agency reform

— 387 — Department of Energy and Related Commissions ENERGY INFORMATION ADMINISTRATION (EIA) Mission/Overview The U.S. Energy Information Administration “collects, analyzes, and dis- seminates independent and impartial energy information to promote sound policymaking, efficient markets, and public understanding of energy and its inter- action with the economy and the environment.”70 Needed Reforms EIA is not an inherently problematic agency and historically has provided inde- pendent and impartial analysis. Requests for EIA analyses can be made by the Administration or from Members of Congress or congressional committees. EIA needs to be committed to providing unbiased forecasting and data so that poli- cymakers, industry, and the public can have a clear understanding of our energy resources and energy economy. Strong leadership will be needed to ensure that data and reporting are not misused to promote a politicized “energy transition.” New Policies l Clarify levelized cost of electricity. “Levelized cost of electricity (LCOE) refers to the estimated revenue required to build and operate a generator over a specified cost recovery period.”71 It is used in the National Energy Modeling System (NEMS) to compare the cost of technologies to determine which technologies are expected to be constructed in the future. Although it is useful in comparing the costs of resources over time, LCOE can also mask the massive amounts of capital needed to deploy new generation. Moreover, in the case of intermittent resources such as wind and solar, LCOE does not include the cost for backup or firming power from dispatchable resources. EIA should ensure that its reporting provides an accurate assessment of generation costs. The cost of backup power for when wind and solar resources are not available should be included when comparing the technologies and reported as a separate component in the modeling documents. l Revise reserve margins. EIA, in conjunction with FERC, NERC, regional transmission organizations (RTOs), and the electric industry, should change how electric grid reserve margins are defined and calculated. In the past, reserve margins have looked at the amount of nameplate capacity on the grid to serve peak load plus a reserve. With the increasing number of intermittent, nondispatchable resources like wind and solar, peak load and reserve margins need to be reevaluated. Reserve margins need to be timed to load changes throughout the day and consider the availability of dispatchable on-demand resources to meet load when renewables may not be available. — 388 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Update reports on the impacts of federal financial interventions and subsidies. EIA’s most recent report on federal financial interventions and subsidies was issued in April 2018.72 This is an important analysis because it clearly shows the level of the federal government’s intervention in each area of the energy system for a given fiscal year. In the past, EIA performed the analysis pursuant to a request from Congress or the Administration. This report should become a project that is performed annually or every other year as part of EIA’s base program. l Ensure the objectivity of the International Energy Outlook (IEO). In the past, EIA published the IEO every year. It is now published every two years. IEO forecasts are important because the International Energy Agency’s forecasts in its annual World Energy Outlook are becoming unrealistic and politically oriented to push Europe’s climate goals. EIA forecasts should be based on current laws and regulations and should not be used to promote favored policies. l Assess the case for privatization. There are some who think that EIA should be privatized. The cost savings to taxpayers should be considered. On the other hand, EIA has generally demonstrated neutral data presentation that is helpful to policymakers and the private sector. Budget Congress appropriated $126.8 million for EIA in FY 2021, and the FY 2023 budget request is for approximately $144.5 million.73 OFFICE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (IA) Mission/Overview “The Office of International Affairs has primary responsibility for addressing international energy issues that have a direct impact on research, development, utilization, supply, and conservation of energy affecting the United States.”74 It “focuses on enhancing global energy security through countering malign influence, diversifying supplies, and increasing energy access” and “is committed to increas- ing U.S. energy exports and trade to enhance growth.” 75 Needed Reforms l Expand IA’s role and focus its activities on U.S. international energy security interests. International energy activities should be consolidated under IA (and the Department of State’s Bureau of Energy Resources should be eliminated) to ensure a proper understanding of domestic energy

Department of Housing and Urban Development

Minimal
Vector: 66%
Pages: 548-550AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill focuses on international financial institutions and clean energy transition, while the Project 2025 policy addresses domestic housing market reforms, HUD administrative changes, and opposition to ESG/DEI initiatives. There is no meaningful thematic or policy overlap between the two."

— 515 — Department of Housing and Urban Development 25. Process must prioritize where political leadership can implement administrative reforms through regulatory action and subregulatory guidance reforms. 26. China and other foreign nations should not be able to disrupt our nation’s housing markets, including by artificially driving up prices and reducing affordability and access to housing for Americans who are crowded out of the market by such market participation. 27. These initiatives are maintained under such designations as diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI); critical race theory (CRT); black, indigenous, Pacific Islander, and other people of color (BIPOC); and environmental, social, and governance (ESG). 28. At a minimum, these efforts duplicate what the federal government already collects and assesses; at worst, they institute arbitrary procedures in real estate appraisal practices that undermine integrity and perversely introduce arbitrary biases into what should be an unbiased system for determining financial value. 29. Revise regulatory and subregulatory guidance, where applicable within statutory authorities, that adds unnecessary delay and costs to the construction and development of new housing and has been estimated to account for about 40 percent of new housing unit costs in multifamily housing. 30. The Biden Administration has issued a proposed rule to replace the Trump Administration’s “Preserving Community and Neighborhood Choice” rule that had repealed earlier rules expanding AFFH enforcement. See U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, Office of Fair Housing, “Preserving Community and Neighborhood Choice,” Final Rule, Federal Register, Vol. 85, No. 153 (August 7, 2020), pp. 47899–47912, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/FR-2020-08-07/pdf/2020-16320.pdf (accessed March 5, 2023), and U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, Office of the Secretary, “Affirmatively Furthering Fair Housing,” Proposed Rule, Federal Register, Vol. 88, No. 27 (February 9, 2023), pp. 8516–8590, https://www. govinfo.gov/content/pkg/FR-2015-07-16/pdf/2015-17032.pdf (accessed March 5, 2023). 31. Certain pilot initiatives may encourage greater take-up of loan products designed for faster equity accumulation, including loans with shorter terms and accelerated amortization schedules. In concept, the FHA’s Home Equity Accelerator Loan (HEAL) and Good Neighbor Next Door (GNND) pilot initiatives might lead to meaningful wealth generation for first-time buyers, but they should be available to all eligible households only when they do not arbitrarily discriminate based on race or other characteristics. 32. Housing supply does remain a problem in the U.S., but constructing more units at the low end of the market will not solve the problem. Investors and developers can deliver at more efficient cost new units that will allow for greater upward mobility of rental and ownership housing stock and better target increased construction of mid-tier rental units. Further, and more fundamental to the housing supply challenge in markets across the U.S., localities can consider revising land use, zoning, and building regulations that constrict new housing development, adding time delays and costs that impede construction. Federal housing policy should get out of the way where possible and minimize the distortive impact that stimulating greater demand through loose lending can have in driving up housing prices for households that are looking for affordable entry into the housing market. 33. U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, Office of the Secretary, “Housing and Community Development Act of 1980: Verification of Eligible Status,” Proposed Rule, Federal Register, Vol. 84, No. 91 (May 10, 2019), pp. 20589–20595, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/FR-2019-05-10/pdf/2019-09566.pdf (accessed March 5, 2023). 34. Reforms should contemplate rent payment flexibilities, allow escrow savings, and set maximum term limits that can reduce implicit penalties for increasing household incomes over eligibility terms for housing assistance and reweight waiting-list prioritization for two-parent households. 35. Some PHAs have been able to implement work requirements and term limit policies in various congressionally authorized demonstration programs, notably the Moving to Work (MTW) demonstration program established in 1996 for 39 PHAs (Congress has since authorized another 100 PHAs) in which participating MTW PHAs were given authority to implement rent reforms, work requirements and other experimental policies in rental assistance programs along with flexibilities in the use of capital and operating appropriations. 36. The FSS program has a general five-year term with a possible two-year extension, which could be applied at the term limit for overall benefits, and certain PHAs have imposed five-year to seven-year term limits. Families in these programs build escrow savings during their term eligibility that helps to facilitate successful transitions to family self-sufficiency and unassisted housing. — 516 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise 37. HUD should implement administrative changes in regulation and guidance and seek statutory authority to end all Housing First directives of Continuum of Care (CoC) grantees and contract homelessness providers in addition to establishing restrictions on local Housing First policies where HUD grant funds are used. 38. The U.S. Interagency Council on Homelessness (USICH) was established in the 1990s, and numerous Administrations have devoted enormous resources to the Housing First model, experimenting with various ways to provide federally financed rapid rehousing and permanent housing opportunities. Housing First is a far-left idea premised on the belief that homelessness is primarily circumstantial rather than behavioral. The Housing First answer to homelessness is to give someone a house instead of attempting to understand the underlying causes of homelessness. Federal intervention centered on Housing First has failed to acknowledge that resolving the issue of homelessness is often a matter of resolving mental health and substance abuse challenges. Instead of the permanent supportive housing proffered by Housing First, a conservative Administration should shift to transitional housing with a focus on addressing the underlying issues that cause homelessness in the first place. 39. The Senate Low-Income First-Time Homebuyers (LIFT) Act would address this policy goal. See S. 2797, Low-Income First-Time Homebuyers Act of 2021 (LIFT Homebuyers Act of 2021), 117th Congress, introduced September 22, 2021, https://www.congress.gov/117/bills/s2797/BILLS-117s2797is.pdf (accessed March 5, 2023). 40. FHA did not facilitate the widespread use of 30-year mortgages until the 1950s when, interacting with Federal Reserve policies, federal agencies began broader adoption of the mortgages, which, despite lowering the monthly repayment terms, result in slow equity accumulation and wealth-building opportunities. 41. The Housing and Economic Recovery Act of 2008 fundamentally revised the scope of federal regulation in the nation’s housing finance system, placing Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac under the purview of a newly established Federal Housing Finance Agency (FHFA) and establishing a Housing Trust Fund (HTF) that is administered in the HUD Office of Community Planning and Development. See H.R. 3221, Housing and Economic Recovery Act of 2008, Public Law No. 110-289, 110th Congress, July 30, 2008, https://www.congress. gov/110/plaws/publ289/PLAW-110publ289.pdf (accessed March 5, 2023). 42. Guiding questions: What reforms should be proposed that could be accomplished within five years? What reforms can be done administratively, and what reforms would need legislative authorization? Are there functions that HUD administers that could be achieved more effectively at another department or agency? What big-picture reforms should be proposed that might take more than five years that would reorganize HUD and its programs to meet the objectives in the vision or mission? What would occur in the absence of these public finance subsidies? How much crowd-out do these subsidies create in the market? Would America be a seriously underhoused nation without these subsidies? Who are the policies intended to benefit? What organizational changes must be made? 43. The Faircloth Amendment (Quality Housing and Work Responsibility Act of 1998) amended the Housing Act of 1937 to maintain public housing units at 1999 levels, preventing housing authorities from maintaining more public housing than they did then. H.R. 4194, Departments of Veterans Affairs and Housing and Urban Development, and Independent Agencies Appropriations Act, 1999, Public Law No. 105-276, 105th Congress, October 21, 1998, Title V, https://www.congress.gov/105/plaws/publ276/PLAW-105publ276.pdf (accessed March 5, 2023). In recent years, the statutory restriction on new construction of public housing units has been circumvented through some narrow uses of preservation programs such as the Rental Assistance Demonstration (RAD) program, initially authorized in 2012 and reauthorized several times since under higher program unit conversion caps. Congress also provided paths for renewal and continuation of a portion of existing public housing; project/site-based housing stock (refinancing with long-term HAP contract commitments); and Section 8 units through the Multifamily Assisted Housing Reform and Affordability Act of 1997 (MAHRA). H.R. 2158, Departments of Veterans Affairs and Housing and Urban Development, and Independent Agencies Appropriations Act, 1998, Public Law No. 105-65, 105th Congress, October 27, 1997, Title V, https://www.congress.gov/105/plaws/publ65/PLAW-105publ65.pdf (accessed March 5, 2023). 44. As the evolution of HUD rental assistance transitions away from the public housing model toward housing choice vouchers, there should be adequate landlord participation to ensure that the supply of housing units for rent in these programs meets the demand for rent among eligible tenants. This issue has been addressed in various ways, including by a task force instituted at the department during the Trump Administration, but could likely remain a challenge in the administration of the program.

Department of the Treasury

Minimal
Vector: 65%
Pages: 742-744AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill promotes clean energy transition and climate action through international financial institutions, directly opposing Project 2025's goal of eliminating climate-focused Treasury offices and withdrawing from climate agreements to prioritize fossil fuel investment."

Key themes:Department of the Treasuryinternational financial institutionsclimate policy

— 709 — Department of the Treasury principal goals. The next Administration should eliminate the Climate Hub Office and withdraw from climate change agreements that are inimical to the prosperity of the United States. The Climate Hub office “coordinates Treasury’s work to inform, guide, incen- tivize, and mobilize financial flows for climate mitigation and climate adaptation and supports the broader alignment of the financial system with a path to net- zero emissions by mid-century.“71 According to the Biden Administration’s Fiscal Year 2022–2026 Strategic Plan for Treasury, the fourth of five Treasury strategic goals reads: Combat Climate Change The United States and the world face a climate crisis and a narrowing window of action to avoid the worst impacts of climate change. At the same time, the transition to a low carbon economy represents a historic economic opportunity for the U.S. and global economy. The U.S. federal government must work alongside our domestic and international partners to respond ambitiously to tackle the challenges of climate change, adapt to an already changing climate, mitigate the risks, and position the global economy for clean and sustainable growth.72 Yet history shows that economic growth and technological/scientific advance through human ingenuity are by far the best ways to prevent and mitigate extreme weather events. Moreover, virtually all of the initiatives that the Biden Administra- tion has adopted would, even if successful, have a de minimis impact on changing global weather patterns, in part because most nations—notably China—are not cooperating with climate summits and international agreements. Virtually all nations, for example, that signed the Paris Agreement73 have not met their treaty obligations. Such routinely violated treaties weaken the U.S. economy with no off- setting societal benefits. To that end, the next conservative Administration should withdraw the U.S. from the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change74 and the Paris Agreement. The next Administration should use Treasury’s tools and authority to promote investment in domestic energy, including oil and gas. It should reverse support for international public- (and private-) based efforts promoting Environmental, Social, and Governance75 and Principles for Responsible Investment,76 both of which have badly damaged U.S. energy security. OTHER REFORMS U.S. Coast Guard and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives. Congress should examine whether to return the Treasury’s former — 710 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise in-house law enforcement capabilities via the return of the United States Coast Guard and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives. Bringing these agencies back from the Department of Homeland Security and the Depart- ment of Justice, respectively, would allow Treasury, in the case of U.S. Coast Guard, to increase border security via a vigilance with respect to economic crimes (for example, drug smuggling and tax evasion). U.S. Trade and Development Agency. Congress should eliminate the U.S. Trade and Development Agency (USTDA). The USTDA is intended to help com- panies create U.S. jobs through the export of U.S. goods and services for priority development projects in emerging economies. The USTDA links U.S. businesses to export opportunities by funding project planning activities, pilot projects, and reverse-trade missions while creating sustainable infrastructure and economic growth in partner countries. These activities more properly belong to the private sector. The best way to promote trade and development is to reduce tariff and non-tariff trade barriers. Another way is to reduce the federal budget deficit, and thereby federal borrowing from abroad, freeing more foreign dollars to be spent on U.S. exports instead of federal treasury bonds. Other Issues. Many Treasury Department issues cut across multiple parts of Treasury or other governmental agencies. Several are discussed in this chapter, but not all can be covered here in depth. Other issues of concern include China, cybersecurity, digital assets, digital services taxes, international debt defaults, Iran, Social Security and Medicare Trust Funds and private sector pensions, sanctions policy, and treasury auction and debt issuance. AUTHORS’ NOTE: The preparation of this chapter was a collective enterprise of individuals involved in the 2025 Presidential Transition Project. All contributors to this chapter are listed at the front of this volume, but Monica Crowley, Tom Dans, John Berlau, Austin Bramwell, Preston Brashers, Alexandra Harrison Gaiser, Nathan Hitchen, Adam Korzeniewski, and Jonathan Moy deserve special mention. The authors alone assume responsibility for the content of this chapter, and no views expressed herein should be attributed to any other individual.

Showing 3 of 5 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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