The bill
To amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to establish a National Resilience and Recovery Fund, and for other purposes.
HR. 5983, 119th Congress — read as touching Oil & Gas.
Sponsored by
Rep. Stansbury, Melanie A. [D-NM-1]
ID: S001218
Follow the money
The bill
HR. 5983, 119th Congress — read as touching Oil & Gas.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
30 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "Department of Energy and Related Commissions" section, p. 440-442 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
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📍 Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
Another masterpiece of legislative theater, brought to you by the esteemed members of Congress. Let's dissect this monstrosity and expose its true intentions.
**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The National Resilience and Recovery Fund Act (HR 5983) claims to establish a trust fund to support disaster resilience and recovery efforts. How noble. In reality, it's just another vehicle for politicians to funnel money to their favorite special interest groups while pretending to care about the environment.
**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:**
1. The bill creates a new trust fund, cleverly named the National Resilience and Recovery Fund, which will be fed by various excise taxes on crude oil and petroleum products. 2. It expands the definition of "crude oil" to include tar sands and oil shale, because who needs precision when you're trying to justify more taxation? 3. The bill introduces a new windfall profits tax on crude oil, because politicians love nothing more than punishing successful industries for their success.
**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:**
1. Oil and gas companies: They'll be hit with increased taxes, which will inevitably be passed on to consumers. 2. Environmental groups: They'll pretend to support this bill while secretly knowing it's just a token gesture to appease the green crowd. 3. Taxpayers: They'll foot the bill for this boondoggle, as always.
**Potential Impact & Implications:**
1. Increased energy costs: The additional taxes will lead to higher prices at the pump and increased costs for industries that rely on petroleum products. 2. More bureaucratic red tape: The creation of a new trust fund means more administrative overhead, which will inevitably lead to waste and inefficiency. 3. Politicians' egos: They'll get to pat themselves on the back for "doing something" about climate change, while accomplishing nothing meaningful.
In conclusion, HR 5983 is just another example of legislative malpractice. It's a cynical attempt to exploit public concern about climate change while enriching special interest groups and expanding government control over the economy. The real disease here is not climate change, but the insatiable appetite for power and money that afflicts our politicians.
Rep. Stansbury, Melanie A. [D-NM-1]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
No PAC contributions found
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Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Showing 67 nodes and 30 connections (87 secondary connections hidden)
Total contributions: $94,500
Showing top 21 donors by contribution amount
Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 2 helped, 2 harmed.
Section 4 adds a 10 cent per barrel excise tax on crude oil and imported petroleum products to fund the National Resilience and Recovery Fund; Section 5 imposes a windfall profits tax on crude oil; Section 6 imposes a 13% severance tax on crude oil and natural gas from the outer Continental Shelf in the Gulf of Mexico. These provisions increase costs for oil and gas producers.
The excise taxes on crude oil and petroleum products in Sections 4-6 increase costs for midstream operators that transport oil via pipelines, vessels, railcar, or tanker truck, as these taxes apply to fuel feedstock or finished fuel products transported by such means (Section 3(b)(10)).
Funds from the National Resilience and Recovery Fund (Sections 2-4) are available to the FEMA Administrator for programs including the Building Resilient Infrastructure and Communities grant program and the Safeguarding Tomorrow Revolving Loan Fund Program, which could support grid resilience projects benefiting electric utilities.
The National Resilience and Recovery Fund finances FEMA programs such as the Hazard Mitigation Grant Program and Building Resilient Infrastructure and Communities grant program, which fund infrastructure projects that construction and engineering firms would execute.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
AI Analysis:
"The bill focuses on creating a disaster resilience fund financed by taxes on oil and gas, while the Project 2025 excerpt advocates for minimizing regulatory barriers to LNG exports, pipelines, and nuclear power. There is only a tangential connection through the oil and gas sector, but the bill's tax measures could conflict with Project 2025's goal of supporting domestic natural gas production."
— 408 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise FERC is considering policy statements that would consider GHG emissions as part of its NEPA review and its NGA determination as to whether approval of an LNG export facility is consistent with the public interest. New Policies Since Congress through the NGA has already determined that LNG exports to countries with free trade agreements are in the public interest,129 and because LNG exports help to ensure America’s ability to support our friends and allies around the world while also supporting domestic natural gas production, FERC: l Should not use environmental issues like climate change as a reason to stop LNG projects. l Should ensure that the natural gas pipelines that are needed deliver more of the product to market, both for domestic use and export, and are reviewed, developed and constructed in a timely manner. NUCLEAR REGULATORY COMMISSION Mission/Overview The Energy Reorganization Act of 1974130 created the Nuclear Regulatory Com- mission (NRC). Before then, the commercial nuclear industry was regulated by the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC), which was established by the 1954 Atomic Energy Act.131 Importantly, the AEC was responsible for encouraging and regulat- ing commercial nuclear power. Broad criticism of this dual function was a major factor in the establishment of the NRC, which held regulatory authority while the newly established Department of Energy held the advocacy function. Today, the NRC is responsible for a broad range of regulatory activities, including reactor safety, oversight of nuclear materials, and protection against radiation as well as permitting new reactors, certifying new reactor designs, and regulating nuclear waste management activities. Needed Reforms In 1989, the NRC established alternative licensing processes that were meant to provide a more predictable and efficient regulatory pathway for new Light Water Reactors (LWRs) by combining construction and operating nuclear power plant licenses, allowing for Early Site Permits, and establishing a framework for pre- approval of reactor designs. More recently, the Nuclear Energy Innovation and Modernization Act directed the NRC to establish a technology-neutral licensing process for new, advanced reactor technologies.132 Despite these efforts, the NRC remains a significant cost and regulatory barrier to new nuclear power. Especially — 409 — Department of Energy and Related Commissions frustrating is that these costs to a large extent are due to the agencies being overly prescriptive rather than outcomes-focused and fall on well-known and understood LWR reactor technologies. New Policies While refocusing its regulatory efforts on new reactor technologies, the NRC should also continue to ensure the security of radiological sources and mitigate cybersecurity risks across the industry. Applications for Combined Operating Licenses (COLs) and design certifications that rely on light-water technology should generally be completed within two years. Early Site Permits should gener- ally be issued within one year for construction on or adjacent to an existing reactor site. Additionally, the NRC should: l Expedite the review and approval of license extensions of existing reactors, which will require the NRC to streamline and focus its NEPA review process. l Set clear radiation exposure and protection standards by eliminating ALARA (“as low as reasonably achievable”) as a regulatory principle and setting clear standards according to radiological risk and dose rather than arbitrary objectives. l Work with Congress to reform its funding approach so that licensee fees are generally required for activities that are specific to a regulated entity, with other agency costs being provided through normal appropriations. Budget In FY 2022, the NRC was required to recover approximately 85 percent of its $887.7 million budget through licensee fees.133 The Nuclear Energy Innovation and Modernization Act requires the NRC to recover nearly all of its costs through fees. These reforms would likely not cost additional money but could rebalance the fee-versus-appropriations calculation. AUTHOR’S NOTE: The preparation of this chapter was the work of many individuals. All contributors to this chapter are listed at the front of this volume, but I wish to give special thanks to Brent Bennett, Willis Bixby, Travis Fisher, Ben Lieberman, Brian McCormack, Tom Pyle, Mark Robeck, Daniel Simmons, Jack Spencer, Katie Tubb, and David Walsh. Though informed by many, the author alone assumes responsibility for the content of this chapter, and no views expressed herein should be attributed to any particular individual.
AI Analysis:
"The bill creates a disaster resilience and recovery fund financed by oil taxes, which tangentially relates to infrastructure resilience but does not address the grid reliability, renewable integration, reserve margins, natural gas interdependence, or cyber/physical attack concerns central to the Project 2025 energy policy."
— 401 — Department of Energy and Related Commissions nation in the summer110 and winter.111 Cyber and physical attacks also threaten the grid. Specific areas for reform include the following: l Limit the impact of subsidized renewables on price formation. Subsidized renewable resources are undermining electric reliability in RTOs. The increase in subsidized, intermittent resources is undermining the ability of RTOs’ pricing models to support the reliable dispatchable generation that is needed to serve the grid at all times.112 l Reform the application of reserve margins. Reserve margins have become largely meaningless. Traditionally, the electric industry has used “reserve margins” to ensure that the grid has enough power plants to guarantee reliability. Generally, reserve margins represent the amount of generation available (power plants) to meet peak electric demand (the time of day and year when people are using the most electricity) plus a percentage of additional generation for backup.113 However, given the increasing number of intermittent resources (like solar, which may be available during the heat of the day but disappears as the sun sets), other dispatchable generation needs to be available to meet customers’ electricity requirements. Therefore, the definitions and calculations of reserve margins and peak load need to be updated to focus on the modern grid’s reliability challenges for all times of the day and year. l Recognize the interdependence of electric generation and natural gas. The interdependence of electric generation and natural gas pipelines continues to grow. Given natural gas’s important role in generating electricity, especially as backup when renewables are not available, lack of natural gas pipelines or attacks on existing pipelines could threaten our ability to generate electricity. l Expand resource diversity and reliability. Resource diversity is needed to support grid reliability. Pressure to use 100 percent renewables or non– carbon emitting resources threatens the electric grid’s reliability. A grid that has access to dispatchable resources such as coal, nuclear, and natural gas for generating power is inherently more reliable and resilient. l Protect against cyber and physical attacks. The threat of cyber and physical attacks on electric infrastructure by foreign actors like China, Russia, North Korea, and Iran, as well as terrorists, continues to grow. The attacks with guns on substations in North Carolina in December 2022 that left customers without power demonstrate the grid’s vulnerability.114
AI Analysis:
"The bill establishes a disaster resilience fund funded by taxes on oil and gas, which conflicts with Project 2025's goal to stop the 'war on oil and natural gas' and unleash private-sector energy innovation by ending government interference. While both address energy infrastructure, the bill's approach increases costs on fossil fuels, opposing Project 2025's pro-oil and gas stance."
— 365 — Department of Energy and Related Commissions l Support repeal of massive spending bills like the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA)3 and Inflation Reduction Act (IRA),4 which established new programs and are providing hundreds of billions of dollars in subsidies to renewable energy developers, their investors, and special interests, and support the rescinding of all funds not already spent by these programs. l Unleash private-sector energy innovation by ending government interference in energy decisions. l Stop the war on oil and natural gas. l Allow individuals, families, and business to use the energy resources they want to use and that will best serve their needs. l Secure and protect energy infrastructure from cyber and physical attacks. l Refocus the Department of Energy on energy security, accelerated remediation, and advanced science. l Promote U.S. energy resources as a means to assist our allies and diminish our strategic adversaries. l Refocus FERC on ensuring that customers have affordable and reliable electricity, natural gas, and oil and no longer allow it to favor special interests and progressive causes. l Ensure that the Nuclear Regulatory Commission facilitates rather than hampers private-sector nuclear energy innovation and deployment. American Science Dominance. Ever since the age of Benjamin Franklin, the United States has been at the forefront of scientific discovery and technological advancement. Beginning with the groundbreaking science of the Manhattan Proj- ect, the U.S. has developed 17 National Laboratories that conduct fundamental and advanced scientific research. The National Labs have been critical in supporting national defense and ensuring that the United States leads on scientific discoveries with transformative applications that benefit America and the world. In recent years, however, U.S. science has been under threat. Externally, adversaries like the Chinese military have been engaged in scientific espionage, infiltrating taxpayer-funded scientific research projects, and funding their own science research. In addition, the National Labs have been too focused on climate change and renewable technologies.
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.
Tradeable Energy Performance Standards Act
Providing for congressional disapproval under chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, of the rule submitted by the Department of Energy relating to "Energy Conservation Program: Energy Conservation Standards for Walk-In Coolers and Walk-In Freezers".
International Nuclear Energy Financing Act of 2025