The bill
National Fraud Enforcement Division Act of 2026
HR. 9576, 119th Congress — read as touching Private Prisons & Immigration Detention.
Sponsored by
Rep. Finstad, Brad [R-MN-1]
ID: F000475
Follow the money
The bill
HR. 9576, 119th Congress — read as touching Private Prisons & Immigration Detention.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
24 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "17" section, p. 581-583 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Rules Committee Resolution H. Res. 1530 Reported to House. Rule provides for consideration of H.R. 9576, H.R. 10326, H.J. Res. 210 and H.J. Res. 213. The resolution provides for consideration of H.R. 9576, H.R. 10326, H.J.Res. 210, and H.J.Res. 213 under a closed rule with one hour of debate and one motion to recommit on each measure. The resolution provides for a motion to concur in the Senate amendments to H.R. 5334.
September 13, 2026
📍 Current Status
Next: Both chambers must agree on the same version of the bill.
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
**HR 9576: National Fraud Enforcement Division Act of 2026** *Or: How to Pretend You’re Fixing Fraud While Rearranging Deck Chairs on the Titanic*
**1. Main Purpose & Objectives** The stated purpose of HR 9576 is to create a National Fraud Enforcement Division (NFED) within the Department of Justice to centralize and strengthen federal efforts against fraud targeting government programs, federally funded initiatives, and ordinary citizens. Ostensibly, it aims to improve coordination, set national priorities, and dismantle sophisticated fraud schemes. In reality, it’s a bureaucratic Band-Aid slapped onto a hemorrhaging wound—another layer of oversight designed to make Congress look tough on fraud while avoiding the harder work of actually fixing the systemic gullibility that lets fraudsters walk off with billions year after year. The bill’s true objective? Let lawmakers claim they “did something” after the next inevitable scandal involving pandemic relief funds, Medicare scams, or defense contractor fraud—without allocating meaningful resources or confronting the political cowardice that enables fraud in the first place.
**2. Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law** The bill establishes the NFED as a new division within DOJ, headed by an Assistant Attorney General appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate. Its duties include leading fraud investigations, overseeing multi-agency efforts, advising U.S. Attorneys, coordinating with federal agencies, setting enforcement priorities, proposing reforms, and briefing top DOJ officials on major fraud cases. Notably, the bill creates no new funding stream, mandates no specific penalties, and does not amend existing fraud statutes. It’s pure organizational theater: a new title, a new org chart, and a new set of PowerPoint slides for oversight committees. Essentially, it takes existing fraud-fighting functions scattered across DOJ components (like the Civil Division, Criminal Division, and various U.S. Attorneys’ Offices) and repackages them under a new banner—because nothing stops fraud like renaming the office where it’s ignored.
**3. Affected Parties & Stakeholders** - **DOJ Components & U.S. Attorneys’ Offices:** Now answerable to another layer of hierarchy. Expect turf wars, duplicated efforts, and passive-aggressive memos about “strategic alignment.” - **Federal Agencies (HHS, HUD, DOD, etc.):** Will gain a new DOJ interlocutor to blame when their own fraud prevention fails. - **Fraudsters:** Unaffected. They’ll continue exploiting gaps in outdated systems, weak vendor oversight, and the eternal triumph of hope over due diligence in federal contracting. - **Taxpayers:** Forced to finance yet another administrative structure that will produce earnest reports no one reads, while real fraud keeps growing like untreated gangrene. - **Politicians:** The real beneficiaries. They get a shiny new initiative to tout in press releases and campaign ads—proof they’re “fighting fraud”—without risking donor anger by demanding real accountability or investing in prevention.
**4. Potential Impact & Implications** If history is any guide, the NFED will become a graveyard for ambitious reformers who quickly learn that DOJ’s fraud priorities are set not by evidence, but by headlines and congressional tantrums. It may improve inter-agency communication marginally—assuming the new AAG isn’t sidelined by DOJ politics or starved of resources. More likely, it will create another bottleneck where fraud referrals go to die, buried under layers of review and “strategic guidance.” The bill’s silence on funding, staffing, or substantive reform reveals its true nature: a placebo for a nation addicted to the illusion of action. In the end, HR 9576 won’t stop fraud—it’ll just give it a new acronym to outwit.
*Diagnosis: Legislative hypochondriacs treating symptoms while ignoring the septicemia of corruption, incompetence, and collective denial.* *Prognosis: Chronic. Fatal if left untreated. But hey—at least we’ll have a press release.*
Rep. Finstad, Brad [R-MN-1]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
No organization contributions found
No committee contributions found
This bill has 4 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.
ID: S001228
Top Contributors
22
ID: H001098
Top Contributors
24
ID: H001096
Top Contributors
70
ID: F000470
Top Contributors
30
Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Showing 49 nodes and 49 connections
Total contributions: $49
Showing top 21 donors by contribution amount
Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 2 helped, 2 harmed.
Section 2(c) mentions a prohibition on political activity, which could be seen as a regulatory increase on private prisons, as they may have political interests or lobbying activities that could be restricted.
The establishment of the National Fraud Enforcement Division (Section 2) may lead to increased funding and resources for law enforcement agencies, potentially benefiting the law enforcement and surveillance tech industry.
The creation of a National Fraud Enforcement Division (Section 2) may lead to increased focus on combating cyber fraud, potentially benefiting the cybersecurity industry through increased demand for their services and solutions.
The National Fraud Enforcement Division (Section 2) may increase regulatory scrutiny on big tech platforms, potentially leading to increased compliance costs or restrictions on their activities related to fraud prevention and enforcement.
For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Finstad, Brad [R-MN-1])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
AI Analysis:
"The bill establishes a National Fraud Enforcement Division to combat fraud targeting federal programs and citizens, which aligns with Project 2025’s broader goal of restoring DOJ focus on public safety and dismantling criminal enterprises, though fraud enforcement is not explicitly highlighted in the cited section."
— 548 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise PRIORITIZING THE PROTECTION OF PUBLIC SAFETY Ordered liberty is at risk when our citizens lack physical safety, when career criminals do not fear the law, when foreign cartels move narcotics and illegal aliens into our nation at will, and when political leaders call citizens “domestic terrorists” for exercising their constitutional rights. The Department of Justice—in partnership with state and local partners—must recommit in both word and deed to protecting public safety. The overwhelming majority of crimes in the United States are properly handled at the state and local levels,19 but the DOJ can provide critical technical support for local law enforcement and play a critical agenda-setting role. With respect to the Department’s core responsibilities—enforcing our immigration laws, combating domestic and international criminal enterprises, protecting federal civil rights, and combating foreign espionage—the federal government has primary authority and, accordingly, accountability. The evidence shows that the Biden Administration’s Department of Justice has failed to protect law-abiding citizens and has ignored its most basic obligations. It has become at once utterly unserious and dangerously politicized. Prosecution and charging decisions are infused with racial and partisan political double standards.20 Immigration laws are ignored.21 The FBI harasses protesting parents (branded “domestic terrorists” by some partisans) while working diligently to shut down politically disfavored speech on the pretext of its being “misinformation” or “disin- formation.”22 A department that prosecutes FACE Act cases while ignoring dozens of violent attacks on pregnancy care centers and/or the coordinated violation of laws that prohibit attempts to intimidate Supreme Court Justices by parading out- side of their homes23 has clearly lost its way. A department that has twice engaged in covert domestic election interference and propaganda operations—the Russian collusion hoax in 2016 and the Hunter Biden laptop suppression in 2020—is a threat to the Republic.24 l Restoring the department’s focus on public safety and a culture of respect for the rule of law is a gargantuan task that will involve at minimum four overriding actions: l Restoring the FBI’s integrity. l Renewing the DOJ’s focus on violent crime. l Dismantling domestic and international criminal enterprises. l Pursuing a national security agenda aimed at external state and non-state actors, not U.S. citizens exercising their constitutional rights. — 549 — Department of Justice RESTORING THE FBI’S INTEGRITY The FBI was founded in 1908 to “tackle national crime and security issues” when “there was hardly any systematic way of enforcing the law across this now broad landscape of America.”25 It best serves the American people when it dedicates its resources and energies to attacking violent crime,26 criminal organizations,27 child predators,28 cyber-crime, and other uniquely federal interests.29 Revelations regarding the FBI’s role in the Russia hoax of 2016, Big Tech collu- sion, and suppression of Hunter Biden’s laptop in 2020 strongly suggest that the FBI is completely out of control. To protect the Constitution, fight crime effectively, and protect the nation from foreign adversaries, the next conservative Adminis- tration should begin to restore the FBI’s domestic reputation and integrity and enhance its effectiveness in meeting actual foreign threats. To do so, the next con- servative Administration should: l Conduct an immediate, comprehensive review of all major active FBI investigations and activities and terminate any that are unlawful or contrary to the national interest.30 This is an enormous task, but it is necessary to re-earn the American people’s trust in the FBI and its work. To conduct this review, the department should detail attorney appointees with criminal, national security, or homeland security backgrounds to catalogue any questionable activities and elevate them to appropriate DOJ leadership consistent with the new chain of command (discussed below). The department should also consider issuing a public report of the findings from this review as appropriate. l Align the FBI’s placement within the department and the federal government with its law enforcement and national security purposes. DOJ veterans often opine that the FBI views itself as an independent agency—accountable to no one and on par with the Attorney General in terms of stature—but the fact remains that “[t]he Federal Bureau of Investigation is located in the Department of Justice.”31 It is not independent from the department (just as Immigration and Customs Enforcement is not independent from the Department of Homeland Security) and does not deserve to be treated as if it were. The next conservative Administration should direct the Attorney General to remove the FBI from the Deputy Attorney General’s direct supervision within the department’s organizational chart and instead place it under the general supervision of the Assistant Attorney General for the Criminal Division and the supervision of the Assistant Attorney General for the National Security Division, as applicable.32 This can be accomplished
AI Analysis:
"The bill focuses on creating a centralized fraud enforcement division within the DOJ, which does not directly address the Project 2025 priorities of FBI reform, eliminating term limits for the FBI Director, streamlining non-law enforcement functions, or refocusing on violent crime. While both involve DOJ operations, the thematic alignment is limited to general law enforcement efficiency without overlapping on the specific conservative reform goals outlined in Project 2025."
— 551 — Department of Justice The DOJ needs a hard firewall between its legitimate activities (monitoring online activity for potential threats in its mission space, looking at social media profiles for evidence of intent or other criminal activity, etc.) and those in which it must not engage (asking or demanding public forums or publishers to remove material based on the content and/or viewpoints expressed or itself censoring speech). l Streamline the non–law enforcement functions within the FBI, such as its Office of General Counsel, and obtain those services from other offices within the department. The next conservative Administration should eliminate any offices within the FBI that it has the power to eliminate without any action from Congress.34 For example, few Americans know that the FBI maintains a core of approximately 300 attorneys within its Office of General Counsel, an office that has been involved in some of the FBI’s most damaging recent scandals.35 These attorneys are not necessary to the functioning of the FBI in their current capacity. Legal advice should come from attorneys at the DOJ, whether those attorneys are within the Criminal Division, the National Security Division, the Justice Management Division, or the Office of Legal Counsel. Moving legal review outside the FBI would serve as a crucial check on an agency that has recently pushed past legal boundary after legal boundary. Similarly, the FBI does not need its own Office of Congressional Affairs separate and apart from the DOJ Office of Legislative Affairs, nor does it need its own Office of Public Affairs. l Emphasize, fund, and reward field offices while shrinking headquarters staff. While the FBI has essential headquarters functions that must be fulfilled and should likely be fulfilled by a team in Washington, D.C., the next conservative Administration should make a priority of deploying, funding, and rewarding the work of the field offices to the greatest extent possible. The Department of Justice must value badges over bureaucracy, must rethink its internal reporting structures, and should aim to realign the FBI’s resources accordingly. l Submit a legislative proposal to Congress to eliminate the 10-year term for the Director. After J. Edgar Hoover’s decades-long term as FBI Director came to an end following his death in 1972, and in light of oversight conducted by Congress into alleged Intelligence Community and FBI abuses in the 1970s, Congress limited the Director’s tenure to one “ten- year term.”36 The realities of the FBI’s abuses and overreach in recent years demonstrate that further reform is still necessary. — 552 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise The Director of the FBI must remain politically accountable to the President in the same manner as the head of any other federal department or agency. To ensure prompt political accountability and to rein in perceived or actual abuses, the next conservative Administration should seek a legislative change to align the FBI Director’s position with those of the heads of all other major departments and agencies. RENEWING THE DEPARTMENT’S FOCUS ON VIOLENT CRIME Despite the DOJ’s pronouncements that violent crime continues to be a top pri- ority, it has increased across the United States. The department’s leadership must make actually reducing violent crime a priority across the United States—and it must do so in partnership with state and local officials in a manner that is tailored to the needs and conditions in those states and localities. Targeting Violent and Career Criminals, Not Parents. The next conserva- tive Administration must ensure that the Department of Justice devotes significant effort to reducing violent crime nationwide. The Attorney General should require all U.S. Attorneys to develop a jurisdictional-specific plan—whenever possible in coordination with state and local law enforcement—to reduce violent crime within each of their districts. Then the Attorney General should hold each U.S. Attorney accountable for achieving actual results. In recent years, federal and state officials have succumbed to calls from anti–law enforcement advocates for so-called criminal justice reform. The pleas- ant-sounding terminology of reform masks the darker reality of this movement, which is one that has supported dismantling effective federal, state, and local law enforcement and stripped away some of the most fundamental tools that law enforcement has long had at its disposal. This campaign is not just ill-advised; it has clearly had real-world consequences in the form of catastrophic increases in crime—particularly violent crime—nationwide. As discussed in the next section, the Department of Justice has a special obligation to restore law and order in such districts.37 Juxtaposed against this increase in violent crime are things like Attorney Gen- eral Merrick Garland’s October 4, 2021, memorandum directing the commitment of significant resources and energies to combating imaginary, politically conve- nient threats of violence toward members of school boards and their staffs during the heat of the Virginia gubernatorial race.38 There was no similar effort to inves- tigate elected officials and other public officers who conspired with outside allies to target and harass parents who were merely exercising their constitutional and statutory rights.39 If we are to continue to have informed and civil dialogue in the United States on issues of public concern, the DOJ must enforce applicable civil rights laws in an even-handed way when citizens’ livelihoods are threatened merely because they have exercised their rights.
AI Analysis:
"The bill establishes a National Fraud Enforcement Division within the DOJ to combat fraud, while the Project 2025 policy focuses on restructuring the FBI’s oversight and limiting its role in misinformation-related activities. There is no direct connection between creating a fraud enforcement unit and the FBI integrity reforms outlined in the policy."
— 549 — Department of Justice RESTORING THE FBI’S INTEGRITY The FBI was founded in 1908 to “tackle national crime and security issues” when “there was hardly any systematic way of enforcing the law across this now broad landscape of America.”25 It best serves the American people when it dedicates its resources and energies to attacking violent crime,26 criminal organizations,27 child predators,28 cyber-crime, and other uniquely federal interests.29 Revelations regarding the FBI’s role in the Russia hoax of 2016, Big Tech collu- sion, and suppression of Hunter Biden’s laptop in 2020 strongly suggest that the FBI is completely out of control. To protect the Constitution, fight crime effectively, and protect the nation from foreign adversaries, the next conservative Adminis- tration should begin to restore the FBI’s domestic reputation and integrity and enhance its effectiveness in meeting actual foreign threats. To do so, the next con- servative Administration should: l Conduct an immediate, comprehensive review of all major active FBI investigations and activities and terminate any that are unlawful or contrary to the national interest.30 This is an enormous task, but it is necessary to re-earn the American people’s trust in the FBI and its work. To conduct this review, the department should detail attorney appointees with criminal, national security, or homeland security backgrounds to catalogue any questionable activities and elevate them to appropriate DOJ leadership consistent with the new chain of command (discussed below). The department should also consider issuing a public report of the findings from this review as appropriate. l Align the FBI’s placement within the department and the federal government with its law enforcement and national security purposes. DOJ veterans often opine that the FBI views itself as an independent agency—accountable to no one and on par with the Attorney General in terms of stature—but the fact remains that “[t]he Federal Bureau of Investigation is located in the Department of Justice.”31 It is not independent from the department (just as Immigration and Customs Enforcement is not independent from the Department of Homeland Security) and does not deserve to be treated as if it were. The next conservative Administration should direct the Attorney General to remove the FBI from the Deputy Attorney General’s direct supervision within the department’s organizational chart and instead place it under the general supervision of the Assistant Attorney General for the Criminal Division and the supervision of the Assistant Attorney General for the National Security Division, as applicable.32 This can be accomplished — 550 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise through a simple internal departmental reorganization and does not need to be approved by Congress. Such a structure would allow the FBI to play an important role in advising the department’s leadership on emerging threats and updating notable investigations through daily briefings conducted with the Criminal Division and National Security Division leadership, but it would also place the FBI under a politically accountable leader with fewer things to manage than the Deputy Attorney General or the Attorney General have. All notifications and approvals that currently run to the Deputy Attorney General or the Attorney General should be evaluated and redirected in the first instance, where appropriate, to the relevant Assistant Attorney General. Such a move would better align the FBI with the mission of the divisions with which it most often interacts and emphasize the need for the areas on which it should focus. In general, however, under no circumstances should the FBI ever be able to go around the Attorney General or the department’s leadership on any matter within its area of responsibility. l Prohibit the FBI from engaging, in general, in activities related to combating the spread of so-called misinformation and disinformation by Americans who are not tied to any plausible criminal activity. The FBI, along with the rest of the government, needs a hard reset on the appropriate scope of its legitimate activities. It must not look to or rely on the past decade as precedent or legitimization for continued action in certain spaces. This is especially true with respect to activities that the FBI and the U.S. government writ large claim are efforts to combat “misinformation,” “disinformation,” or “malinformation.” The United States government and, by extension, the FBI have absolutely no business policing speech, whether in the public square, in print, or online. The First Amendment prohibits it. The United States is the world’s last best hope for self-government,33 and its survival relies on the ability of our people to have healthy debate free from government intervention and censorship. The government, through its officials, is certainly able to speak and provide information to the public. That is a healthy component of an informed society. But government must never manipulate the scales and censor information that is potentially harmful to it or its political leadership. This is the way of totalitarian dictatorships, not of free constitutional republics.
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.