The bill
INSULIN Act of 2026
S. 4189, 119th Congress — read as touching Pharmaceuticals.
Sponsored by
Sen. Shaheen, Jeanne [D-NH]
ID: S001181
Follow the money
The bill
S. 4189, 119th Congress — read as touching Pharmaceuticals.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
21 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "Department of Health and Human Services" section, p. 488-490 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Placed on Senate Legislative Calendar under General Orders. Calendar No. 552.
August 6, 2026
📍 Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
**S. 4189 – INSULIN Act of 2026: A Symptomatic Band-Aid on a Gangrenous System**
**1. Main Purpose & Objectives** The stated goal of the INSULIN Act of 2026 is to reduce insulin prices and protect patients from excessive cost-sharing. In reality, it’s a politically convenient bandage applied to a hemorrhaging wound—designed to let lawmakers claim they “did something” while avoiding the radical reforms needed to dismantle the profiteering ecosystem that makes insulin unaffordable. The bill pretends to tackle price gouging but stops short of challenging patent abuse, evergreening, or the oligopolistic control of the insulin market by three corporations. Its true objective? Let senators go home and tell diabetic constituents they “fought for them”—without upsetting Pharma donors.
**2. Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law** The bill amends the Public Health Service Act to impose cost-sharing caps on *selected* insulin products in group and individual health plans: - For plan years 2027, no deductible and cost-sharing capped at $35 per 30-day supply. - Starting 2028, the cap becomes the *lesser* of $35 or 25% of the negotiated price net of rebates. - Prohibits prior authorization or utilization management on selected insulin unless clinically justified for safety. - Defines “selected insulin products” as at least one dosage form (vial, pen, inhaler) per insulin type (rapid, long-acting, etc.) that plans must cover—but crucially, plans get to *select* which products qualify. - Includes transparency measures for PBM rebates (Title II), biosimilar/generic competition incentives (Title III), and a pilot program for uninsured individuals (Title IV), plus a GAO study and hotline—because nothing says “reform” like another government report and a call center.
**3. Affected Parties & Stakeholders** - **Patients with insurance:** May see lower out-of-pocket costs—for *selected* insulin products. If their prescribed insulin isn’t “selected” by their plan? Tough luck. Enjoy the $300 vial. - **Uninsured individuals:** Get a pilot program and a hotline. Because access to life-saving medication should apparently be a lottery. - **Pharmacy Benefit Managers (PBMs):** Forced to pass through rebates—finally admitting what everyone already knew: they’re skimming off the top. - **Insulin manufacturers (Eli Lilly, Novo Nordisk, Sanofi):** Will likely comply by offering one “selected” product per type at a net price that keeps them profitable, while maintaining high list prices for everything else. Expect evergreening to intensify. - **Taxpayers:** On the hook for federal subsidies in the uninsured pilot program—because why fix the market when you can just pay more to patch it? - **Voters:** Treated as gullible enough to believe this solves the problem. Spoiler: it doesn’t.
**4. Potential Impact & Implications** This is legislative homeopathy: a dilution so weak it’s indistinguishable from placebo. - **Short-term:** Some insured patients may save money—but only if their plan picks the right insulin, and only if they don’t need non-selected formulations. - **Long-term:** Does nothing to address the root cause: monopolistic pricing enabled by weak competition, abuse of regulatory exclusivities, and a rebate system that incentivizes higher list prices. The $35 cap is arbitrary and not indexed to inflation; by 2030, it may be meaningless. - The biosimilar provisions are likely too timid to spur real competition—especially given the FDA’s already slow walk on biosimilar approvals. - Ultimately, this bill treats insulin pricing like a symptom to be managed, not a market failure to be cured. It’s the legislative equivalent of giving a cancer patient aspirin and calling it chemotherapy. Congress didn’t fail to act—it succeeded in performing the *minimum* theater required
Sen. Shaheen, Jeanne [D-NH]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
No PAC contributions found
No committee contributions found
This bill has 10 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.
ID: C001035
Top Contributors
21
ID: W000790
Top Contributors
26
ID: K000393
Top Contributors
20
ID: R000608
Top Contributors
42
ID: T000278
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ID: K000383
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ID: M001153
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ID: K000377
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ID: G000386
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23
ID: B001230
Top Contributors
72
Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Showing 27 nodes and 45 connections
Total contributions: $45
Showing top 13 donors by contribution amount
Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 3 helped, 3 harmed.
Section 2 imposes cost-sharing requirements on insulin products, which could reduce revenue for pharmaceutical companies. Section 5 also amends the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act to expedite the development and review of generic drugs, which could increase competition for pharmaceutical companies.
Section 2729A requires coverage of selected insulin products, which could increase demand for insulin-related medical devices.
Section 2 requires health insurance issuers to provide coverage of selected insulin products with limited cost-sharing, which could increase costs for health insurance companies. Section 3 also allows the Secretary to implement the provisions of the bill through subregulatory guidance, which could lead to additional regulatory burdens on health insurance companies.
Section 6 expedites biosimilar competition, which could lead to increased investment and innovation in the biotech industry.
Section 201's full rebate pass-through requirement could reduce profits for private equity firms invested in pharmaceutical companies or pharmacy benefit managers.
Section 8 establishes a resource center and hotline for uninsured individuals, which could lead to increased access to care and revenue for hospitals and health systems.
For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Sen. Shaheen, Jeanne [D-NH])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
AI Analysis:
"The bill aligns with Project 2025's emphasis on increasing competition in the pharmaceutical market, particularly through promoting biosimilars and generics and reforming FDA approval processes to reduce barriers to market entry. Both seek to lower drug costs by enhancing competition and transparency, though the bill focuses specifically on insulin while Project 2025 addresses broader generic drug reforms."
— 456 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise abortion providers and whether better prenatal physical, mental, and social care improves infant outcomes and decreases abortion rates, especially among those who are most vulnerable. The Ensuring Accurate and Complete Abortion Data Reporting Act of 20239 would amend title XIX of the Social Security Act and Public Health Service Act to improve the CDC’s abortion reporting mechanisms by requiring states, as a condition of federal Medicaid payments for family planning services, to report streamlined variables in a timely manner. The CDC should immediately end its collection of data on gender identity, which legitimizes the unscientific notion that men can become women (and vice versa) and encourages the phenomenon of ever-multiplying subjective identities. FOOD AND DRUG ADMINISTRATION (FDA) The FDA’s mission includes ensuring the safety and efficacy of drugs, biological products, and medical devices. Federal Laws That Shield Big Pharma from Competition. Because generics generally cost far less than brand-name drugs, consumers begin to save money as soon as a generic product comes on the market. The vast majority are very afford- able with 93 percent of generic products costing $20 or less. Savings would be even higher under proposals that prevent brand-name man- ufacturers from slowing down or impeding the entrance of generic products into the marketplace. Specifically, the FDA should prohibit pharmaceutical companies from purposely sitting on their legally available right to be the first to sell generic versions of their drugs. Additionally, Congress should create legal remedies for generic companies to obtain samples of brand-name products for their generic development efforts and should prohibit meritless “citizen petitions” submitted by manufacturers to delay approval of a generic competitor.10 Approval Process for Laboratory-Developed or Modified Medical Tests. Learning from the failed early COVID-19 testing experience, Congress and the FDA should focus on reforming laws and regulations governing medical tests, especially with respect to laboratory-developed tests. Commercial tests are developed with the intention of being widely marketed, distributed, and used, while laboratory-developed tests are created with the intention of being used solely within one laboratory. A test developed by a lab in accordance with the protocols developed by another lab (non-commercial sharing) currently constitutes a “new” laboratory-developed test because the lab in which it will be used is different from the initial developing lab. To encourage interlab- oratory collaboration and discourage duplicative test creation (and associated regulatory and logistical burdens), the FDA should introduce mechanisms through which laboratory-developed tests can easily be shared with other laboratories with- out the current regulatory burdens.11 — 457 — Department of Health and Human Services The “laboratory-developed tests” category currently encompasses a range of possible tests, many of which would be characterized more appropriately as “lab- oratory-modified tests” because they are not truly novel tests but rather modified versions of existing tests. To avoid stifling innovation and access to medical care, the applicable statutes and regulations should be revised to facilitate greater access to such modified tests.12 Finally, the FDA has long held that it has regulatory authority over such tests, while others have argued that they should be considered clinical services regulated by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS). The FDA currently has regulatory authority over in vitro diagnostics, and under the Clinical Lab- oratory Improvement Amendments (CLIA),13 the CMS ensures that labs meet analytical validity standards for test methods. Congress, the FDA, and the CMS need to clarify and disentangle overlapping authorities over tests to eliminate regulatory confusion.14 Drug Shortages. The very thin profit margins and the regulatory burdens associated with generic drug manufacturing discourage inventory and capacity investments by manufacturers and contribute to drug shortages. HHS and the FDA should encourage more dependable generic drug manufacturing. The FDA should expand its current pass/fail approach to drug facility inspec- tions into a graded system that recognizes manufacturers that exceed minimum standards by investing in improving production reliability. The FDA should also add facility codes to drug packaging and construct a searchable database that cross-references product codes and facility codes. That would enable wholesalers and pharmacy benefit managers to identify and preference drugs manufactured at more reliable facilities, thus encouraging generic drug manufacturers to compete on reliability as well as on price. For its part, HHS should exempt multi-source generic drugs from requirements to pay rebates to Medicaid and other federally funded health programs, as those provisions penalize new investments in expanding manufacturing capacity when supply is unable to meet demand.15 Additionally, FDA and NIH should promote efficacy trials of new applications for generic drugs, which might include NIH fund- ing such trials or conducting its own. Abortion Pills. Abortion pills pose the single greatest threat to unborn chil- dren in a post-Roe world. The rate of chemical abortion in the U.S. has increased by more than 150 percent in the past decade; more than half of annual abortions in the U.S. are chemical rather than surgical. The abortion pill regimen is typically a two-part process. The first pill, mifepris- tone, causes the death of the unborn child by cutting off the hormone progesterone, which is required to sustain a pregnancy. The second pill, misoprostol, causes con- tractions to induce a delivery of the dead child and uterine contents, usually into a toilet at home. The abortion-pill regimen is currently approved for up to 70 days
AI Analysis:
"The INSULIN Act of 2026 focuses on reducing insulin costs through price caps, PBM transparency, and biosimilar promotion, which contrasts with Project 2025's emphasis on repealing government drug price negotiations (like in the IRA), expanding private-sector competition in Medicare Advantage, and shifting toward market-based reforms. While both address prescription drug access, their approaches are largely opposed."
— 465 — Department of Health and Human Services 1. Make Medicare Advantage the default enrollment option. 2. Give beneficiaries direct control of how they spend Medicare dollars. 3. Remove burdensome policies that micromanage MA plans. 4. Replace the complex formula-based payment model with a competitive bidding model. 5. Reconfigure the current risk adjustment model. 6. Remove restrictions on key benefits and services, including those related to prescription drugs, hospice care, and medical savings account plans.26 Legacy Medicare Reform. Legislation reforming legacy (non-MA) Medicare should: l Base payments on the health status of the patient or intensity of the service rather than where the patient happens to receive that service. l Replace the bureaucrat-driven fee-for-service system with value- based payments to empower patients to find the care that best serves their needs. l Codify price transparency regulations. l Restructure 340B drug subsidies27 toward beneficiaries rather than hospitals. l Repeal harmful health policies enacted under the Obama and Biden Administrations such as the Medicare Shared Savings Program28 and Inflation Reduction Act.29 Medicare Part D Reform. The Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) created a drug price negotiation program in Medicare that replaced the existing private-sector negotiations in Part D with government price controls for prescription drugs. These government price controls will limit access to medications and reduce patient access to new medication. This “negotiation” program should be repealed, and reforms in Part D that will have meaningful impact for seniors should be pursued. Other reforms should include eliminating the coverage gap in Part D, reducing the government share in — 466 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise the catastrophic tier, and requiring manufacturers to bear a larger share. Until the IRA is repealed, an Administration that is required to implement it must do so in a way that is prudent with its authority, minimizing the harmful effects of the law’s policies and avoiding even worse unintended consequences.30 Medicaid. Over the past 45 years, Medicaid and the health safety net have evolved into a cumbersome, complicated, and unaffordable burden on nearly every state. The program is failing some of the most vulnerable patients; is a prime target for waste, fraud, and abuse; and is consuming more of state and federal budgets. The dramatic increase in Medicaid expenditures is due in large part to the ACA (Obamacare), which mandates that states must expand their Medicaid eligibility standards to include all individuals at or below 138 percent of the federal poverty level (FPL), and the public health emergency, which has prohibited states from performing basic eligibility reviews. The overlap of available benefits among the various health agencies has led to a complex, confusing system that is nearly impossible to navigate—even for recipients. Recipients are often faced with a “welfare cliff” of benefit losses as they earn above a certain amount, which is contrary to the fundamental purpose of empowering individuals to achieve economic independence. Benefits increasingly involve nonmedical services such as air conditioning and housing, many of which are already handled by departments other than HHS. Improper payments within Medicaid are higher than those of any other federal program. These payments are evidence of the inappropriateness of Medicaid’s expansion, which, stemming largely from public health emergency maintenance of effort (MOE) requirements and the Affordable Care Act, has crowded out the primary targets of these programs: those who are most in need. True health care reform cannot be accomplished in a bureaucratic silo or only through Medicaid and health safety net programs. Reform of the tax code is also essential to genuine, effective reform of our health care system. All components of the health care system should be part of the reform efforts, and it is imperative that the system be modified to assist states with their current programs. Therefore, the next Administration should: l Reform financing. Allow states to have a more flexible, accountable, predictable, transparent, and efficient financing mechanism to deliver medical services. This system should include a more balanced or blended match rate, block grants, aggregate caps, or per capita caps. Any financial system should be designed to encourage and incentivize innovation and the efficient delivery of health care services. Federal and state financial participation in the Medicaid program should be rational, predictable, and reasonable. It should also incentivize states to save money and improve the quality of health care.
AI Analysis:
"The INSULIN Act of 2026 focuses on reducing insulin costs through price caps, PBM transparency, and expanded access, while Project 2025's HHS section emphasizes Medicare Advantage reform, site-neutral payments, and repealing Biden-era drug pricing policies like the Inflation Reduction Act. There is minimal thematic overlap, as the bill does not address MA reform, site neutrality, or IRA repeal."
— 464 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l The Risk Adjustment Data Validation (RADV) rule; l The Medicare Advantage Qualifying Payment Arrangement Incentive (MAQI) demonstration; and l The Global and Professional Direct Contracting (GPDC, rebranded as the Accountable Care Organization Realizing Equity, Access, and Community Health or ACO REACH) model. Additionally, regulations should advance site neutrality by eliminating the inpa- tient-only list and expanding the ambulatory surgical center covered procedures list. Medicare generally pays more for inpatient hospital procedures and less for the same procedures performed in an outpatient setting. Whether a medical ser- vice is delivered in a physician’s office, a clinic, or a hospital setting, the Medicare payment for that service should be the same. CMS should expand the application of site-neutral payment options to more settings. Such a policy would level the playing field among providers and remove the financial disabilities for medical professionals who would compete with hospital systems.23 Finally, HHS needs to restore and enhance conscience protection regulations that allow medical practitioners to participate in federal health care programs without being compelled to provide sex changes or similar services. LEGISLATIVE PROPOSALS l Remove restrictions on physician-owned hospitals. The Affordable Care Act (ACA)24 imposed restrictions prohibiting Medicare from reimbursing physician-owned and specialty hospitals. The current restrictions do little more than serve the special interests of large hospital systems and undercut consumer choice of high-quality, specialty care. These restrictions should be removed so that physician-owned hospitals can compete with other hospitals in serving Medicare patients.25 l Encourage more direct competition between Medicare Advantage and private plans. Medicare Advantage (MA), a system of competing private health plans, is the major alternative to traditional Medicare for America’s large and growing cohort of seniors. The program provides beneficiaries with a wide range of competitive health plan choices—a richer set of benefits than traditional Medicare provides and at a reasonable cost. Equally as important, the MA program has been registering consistently high marks for superior performance in delivering high-quality care. Critical reforms are still needed to strengthen and improve the program for the future. Specifically: — 465 — Department of Health and Human Services 1. Make Medicare Advantage the default enrollment option. 2. Give beneficiaries direct control of how they spend Medicare dollars. 3. Remove burdensome policies that micromanage MA plans. 4. Replace the complex formula-based payment model with a competitive bidding model. 5. Reconfigure the current risk adjustment model. 6. Remove restrictions on key benefits and services, including those related to prescription drugs, hospice care, and medical savings account plans.26 Legacy Medicare Reform. Legislation reforming legacy (non-MA) Medicare should: l Base payments on the health status of the patient or intensity of the service rather than where the patient happens to receive that service. l Replace the bureaucrat-driven fee-for-service system with value- based payments to empower patients to find the care that best serves their needs. l Codify price transparency regulations. l Restructure 340B drug subsidies27 toward beneficiaries rather than hospitals. l Repeal harmful health policies enacted under the Obama and Biden Administrations such as the Medicare Shared Savings Program28 and Inflation Reduction Act.29 Medicare Part D Reform. The Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) created a drug price negotiation program in Medicare that replaced the existing private-sector negotiations in Part D with government price controls for prescription drugs. These government price controls will limit access to medications and reduce patient access to new medication. This “negotiation” program should be repealed, and reforms in Part D that will have meaningful impact for seniors should be pursued. Other reforms should include eliminating the coverage gap in Part D, reducing the government share in
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.
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