Rural Broadband Protection Act of 2025

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Bill ID: 119/hr/2399
Last Updated: July 26, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9]

ID: H001093

Follow the money

The bill

Rural Broadband Protection Act of 2025

HR. 2399, 119th Congress — read as touching Telecommunications.

The sponsor

Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$111,070 raised

24 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

85% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Federal Communications Commission" section, p. 888-890 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Received in the Senate. Read twice. Placed on Senate Legislative Calendar under General Orders. Calendar No. 61.

April 28, 2025

Introduced

Committee Review

Floor Action

Passed House

Senate Review

📍 Current Status

Next: Both chambers must agree on the same version of the bill.

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the 119th Congress. The "Rural Broadband Protection Act of 2025" - a title that screams "we care about rural America!" while actually doing nothing of the sort.

Let's dissect this farce:

**Total funding amounts and budget allocations:** Nowhere to be found in this bill. How convenient. It's like a doctor prescribing medication without knowing the patient's medical history or current condition. We're supposed to trust that the FCC will magically allocate funds efficiently? Please.

**Key programs and agencies receiving funds:** The high-cost universal service program, which is essentially a slush fund for telecom companies to deploy broadband in rural areas. Because, you know, those poor rural folks need their Netflix fix too.

**Notable increases or decreases from previous years:** Not mentioned. But hey, who needs transparency when you can just throw money at a problem and hope it goes away?

**Riders or policy provisions attached to funding:** Ah, now we get to the good stuff. The bill establishes a vetting process for applicants seeking high-cost universal service program funding. Wow, what a bold move! It's like they're trying to pretend that this will somehow prevent waste and abuse. Newsflash: it won't.

**Fiscal impact and deficit implications:** Not addressed. Because who cares about the national debt when you can score some cheap political points with rural voters?

Diagnosis: This bill is suffering from a severe case of " Politician's Disease" - a condition characterized by an inability to prioritize actual policy over empty rhetoric. The symptoms include:

* Lack of transparency in funding allocations * Unsubstantiated claims of "protection" for rural broadband * A vetting process that will likely be as effective as a Band-Aid on a bullet wound

Treatment: Apply a healthy dose of skepticism and scrutiny to this bill. Recognize it for what it is - a shallow attempt to pander to rural voters while lining the pockets of telecom companies.

Prognosis: This bill will likely pass, because who doesn't love a good game of "rural broadband poker"? But don't expect it to actually achieve anything meaningful. After all, in the world of politics, perception is reality - and this bill is all about perception.

Related Topics

Telecommunications & Broadband AccessHealthcare & Insurance Reform
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$111,070
23 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$12,400
Committees
$0
Individuals
$98,670

No PAC contributions found

1
HABEMATOLEL POMO OF UPPER LAKE TRIBE OF CALIFORNIA
1 transaction
$3,300
2
OTOE MISSOURIA TRIBE OF OKLAHOMA
1 transaction
$3,300
3
TURTLE MOUNTAIN BAND OF CHIPPEWA OF NORTH DAKOTA
1 transaction
$3,300
4
CHEROKEE NATION
1 transaction
$2,500

No committee contributions found

1
BANKE, BARBARA
2 transactions
$9,900
2
SCHWARZMAN, CHRISTINE
1 transaction
$6,600
3
GRIFFIN, KENNETH
1 transaction
$6,600
4
ROWAN, CAROLYN
1 transaction
$6,600
5
ROWAN, MARC
1 transaction
$6,600
6
KIESLER, DOUGLAS M MR.
1 transaction
$6,600
7
VIELEHR, BYRON
1 transaction
$6,300
8
SMITH, JONATHAN
1 transaction
$6,000
9
SCHWARZMAN, STEPHEN
1 transaction
$5,600
10
DUHAMEL, WILLIAM
1 transaction
$5,000
11
LUCAS, CHARLOTTE
1 transaction
$5,000
12
TARZIAN, THOMAS N. MR.
1 transaction
$4,100
13
CROWE, KEVIN
1 transaction
$3,700
14
BRALY, ANGELA
1 transaction
$3,435
15
BRALY, DOUG
1 transaction
$3,435
16
MORGAN, MATTHEW
1 transaction
$3,300
17
JENNINGS, ROBERT
1 transaction
$3,300
18
PURUCKER, JIM
1 transaction
$3,300
19
ARNOLD, JOHN
1 transaction
$3,300

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 1 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. Kelly, Robin L. [D-IL-2]

ID: K000385

Top Contributors

22

1
CROKE FOR ILLINOIS
OrganizationCHICAGO, IL
$1,000
Feb 28, 2024
2
COMMITTEE TO ELECT JUSTICE COBBS
OrganizationMATTESON, IL
$500
Feb 28, 2024
3
KELLY, MELINDA
IndividualOAK LAWN, IL
$4,400
Oct 23, 2024
4
AUSTRIACO, AURORA
VALENTINE AUSTRIACO AND BUESCHEL • ATTORNEY
IndividualPARK RIDGE, IL
$4,000
Dec 4, 2023
5
AUSTRIACO, AURORA
IndividualPARK RIDGE, IL
$4,000
Dec 5, 2023
6
ROGERS, LARRY R
POWER ROGERS, L.L.P. • ATTORNEY
IndividualCHICAGO, IL
$3,407
Oct 21, 2024
7
ANTUNOVICH, JOSEPH
ANTUNOVICH ASSOCIATES • ARCHITECT
IndividualCHICAGO, IL
$3,407
Sep 28, 2023
8
BONGARD, BETH A.
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualOLYMPIA FIELDS, IL
$3,300
Mar 18, 2024
9
LEWIS, KATRICE
SELF EMPLOYED • MANAGER
IndividualSOUTH HOLLAND, IL
$3,300
Mar 18, 2024
10
MARQUIS, D.L
MARQUIS ENERGY • PRESIDENT & CEO
IndividualPEORIA, IL
$3,300
Mar 4, 2024

Donor Network - Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 57 nodes and 54 connections

Total contributions: $54

Top Donors - Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9]

Showing top 23 donors by contribution amount

4 Orgs19 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 harmed.

  • −Telecommunicationsconfidence 0.90

    Section 2(m)(3)(D) imposes penalties of at least $9,000 per violation for pre-authorization defaults and sets a base forfeiture of no less than 30% of total support, increasing costs and regulatory burdens on telecom providers seeking high-cost universal service funding.

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HARMS

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Federal Communications Commission

Strong
Vector: 65%
Pages: 888-890AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill's focus on establishing a rigorous vetting process for FCC universal service funding aligns with Project 2025's call for stronger oversight, accountability, and guardrails to prevent waste, fraud, and abuse in broadband spending, though it does not directly address overbuilding or a national coordinating strategy."

Key themes:accountabilityoversightefficient fundingwaste reductionprovider qualification

— 856 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Administration gave the green light for recipients to spend those funds to overbuild existing high-speed networks in communities that already have multiple broadband providers. A new Administration should eliminate government-funded overbuilding of existing networks. l Adopt a national coordinating strategy. Hundreds of billions of infrastructure dollars have been appropriated by Congress or budgeted by agencies over the past couple of years that can be used to end the digital divide. Yet, according to the U.S. Government Accountability Office, “U.S. broadband efforts are not guided by a national strategy”; instead, “[f]ederal broadband efforts are fragmented and overlapping, with more than 100 programs administered by 15 agencies,” risking overbuilding as well as wasteful duplication.26 Many of these programs remain plagued by inefficiency, further contributing to waste of limited taxpayer dollars. Moreover, the federal government is failing to put appropriate guardrails in place to govern the expenditure of billions in broadband funds. This is the regulatory equivalent of turning the spigot on full blast and then walking away from the hose. There is a worrisome lack of adequate tracking, measurement, and accountability standards governing all of this broadband spending. As a result, we are likely to see headline levels of waste, fraud, and abuse. A new Administration needs to bring fresh oversight to this spending and put a national strategy in place to ensure that the federal government adopts a coordinated approach to its various broadband initiatives. Similarly, the next Administration should ask the FCC to launch a review of its existing broadband programs, including the different components of the USF, with the goal of avoiding duplication, improving efficiency of existing programs, and saving taxpayer money. l Correct the FCC’s regulatory trajectory and encourage competition to improve connectivity. The FCC is a New Deal–era agency. Its history of regulation tends to reflect the view that the federal government should impose heavy-handed regulation rather than relying on competition and market forces to produce optimal outcomes. President Franklin D. Roosevelt recommended that Congress create the FCC in February 1934 for the purposes of establishing “a single Government agency charged with broad authority” over the field of communications.27 Congress subsequently established the FCC through the Communications Act of 1934. Congress has passed a number of additional statutes—some broad, some — 857 — Federal Communications Commission narrow—that pertain to the FCC’s authority, including most significantly the Telecommunications Act of 1996,28 which opened up markets for greater competition and largely deregulated industry segments. Technological change in the connectivity sector is occurring rapidly. We are now seeing an unprecedented level of convergence, innovation, and competition in the market for connectivity. On the one hand, traditional cable providers like Charter are now offering mobile wireless services to consumers in direct competition with traditional wireless companies like Verizon. On the other hand, a new generation of low-earth orbit satellite services like StarLink and Amazon’s Project Kuiper stand to offer high- speed home broadband in competition with legacy providers. Furthermore, broadcasters are offering high-speed downloads directly to consumers over spectrum that previously provided only TV service. These rapidly evolving market conditions counsel in favor of eliminating many of the heavy-handed FCC regulations that were adopted in an era when every technology operated in a silo. These include many of the FCC’s media ownership rules, which can have the effect of restricting investment and competition because those regulations assume a far more limited set of competitors for advertising dollars than exist today, as well as its universal service requirements. Ultimately, FCC reliance on competition and innovation is vital if the agency is to deliver optimal outcomes for the American public. The FCC should engage in a serious top-to-bottom review of its regulations and take steps to rescind any that are overly cumbersome or outdated. The Commission should focus its efforts on creating a market-friendly regulatory environment that fosters innovation and competition from a wide range of actors, including cable-based, broadband-based, and satellite- based Internet providers. AUTHOR’S NOTE: The preparation of this chapter was a collective enterprise of individuals involved in the 2025 Presidential Transition Project. All contributors to this chapter are listed at the front of this volume. While this chapter identifies certain issues on which the contributors did not all agree, the author alone assumes responsibility for the content of this chapter, and no views expressed herein should be attributed to any other individual.

Financial Regulatory Agencies

Moderate
Vector: 68%
Pages: 879-881AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill aligns with Project 2025's emphasis on FCC accountability and good governance by improving the vetting process for Universal Service Fund recipients, and it indirectly supports the goal of unleashing economic prosperity through better rural broadband. It does not address the policy's Big Tech or national security priorities."

Key themes:FCC accountabilitygood governanceuniversal service fund oversightrural broadband deploymenteconomic prosperity

— 847 — Federal Communications Commission The FCC has facilitated the transition from 3G to 4G and now 5G offerings in two ways. First, it has freed spectrum—the airwaves needed to deliver wireless ser- vices. Second, it has preempted state and local siting and permitting laws that could otherwise slow down the buildout of next-generation infrastructure. One of the FCC’s great success stories from 2017 to 2020 was securing U.S. leadership in 5G. The FCC also administers an approximately roughly $9 billion-a-year program called the Universal Service Fund (USF), which has been funded by a line-item charge that traditional telephone companies add to consumers’ monthly bills. Expenditures from this fund subsidize rural broadband networks and low-income programs as well as connections for schools, libraries, and rural health care facil- ities. Through various COVID-era laws, Congress has also provided the FCC with a one-time $24 billion appropriation for various low-income initiatives. POLICY PRIORITIES The FCC needs to change course and bring new urgency to achieving four main goals: l Reining in Big Tech, l Promoting national security, l Unleashing economic prosperity, and l Ensuring FCC accountability and good governance.15 Reining in Big Tech. The FCC has an important role to play in addressing the threats to individual liberty posed by corporations that are abusing dominant positions in the market. Nowhere is that clearer than when it comes to Big Tech and its attempts to drive diverse political viewpoints from the digital town square. Today, a handful of corporations can shape everything from the information we consume to the places we shop. These corporate behemoths are not merely exercising market power; they are abusing dominant positions. They are not simply prevailing in the free market; they are taking advantage of a landscape that has been skewed—in many cases by the government—to favor their business models over those of their competitors. It is hard to imagine another industry in which a greater gap exists between power and accountability. That is why a new Adminis- tration should support FCC action on several fronts. Specifically, the FFC should: l Eliminate immunities that courts added to Section 230. The FCC should issue an order that interprets Section 230 in a way that eliminates the expansive, non-textual immunities that courts have read into the statute. — 848 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise As one of the FCC’s previous General Counsels noted, the FCC has authority to take this action because Section 230 is codified in the Communications Act.16 The FCC’s Section 230 reforms should track the positions outlined in a July 2020 Petition for Rulemaking filed at the FCC near the end of the Trump Administration.17 Any new presidential Administration should consider filing a similar or new petition. As Justice Clarence Thomas has made clear, courts have construed Section 230 broadly to confer on some of the world’s largest companies a sweeping immunity that is found nowhere in the text of the statute.18 They have done so in a way that nullifies the limits Congress placed on the types of actions that Internet companies can take while continuing to benefit from Section 230. One way to start correcting this error is for the FCC to remind courts how the various portions of Section 230 operate. At the outset, the FCC can clarify that Section 230(c)(1) does not apply broadly to every decision that a platform makes. Rather, its protections apply only when a platform does not remove information provided by someone else. In contrast, the FCC should clarify that the more limited Section 230(c)(2) protections apply to any covered platform’s decision to restrict access to material provided by someone else. Combined, these actions will appropriately limit the number of cases in which a platform can censor with the benefit of Section 230’s protections. Such clarifications might also include drawing out the traditional legal distinction between distributor and publisher liability; Section 230 did not do away with the former, nor does it collapse into the latter. l Impose transparency rules on Big Tech. Today, Big Tech offers a black box. After Google manipulates search results, a small business can see its web traffic drop precipitously overnight for no apparent reason, potentially flipping its outlook from black to red. On Facebook, social media posts are left up or taken down, accounts suspended or permanently banned, without any apparent consistency. Out of the blue, YouTube can demonetize individuals who have risked their capital and invested their labor to build online businesses. At present, the FCC requires broadband providers to comply with a transparency rule that can provide a good baseline for Big Tech. Under the FCC’s rule, broadband providers must provide detailed disclosures about practices that would shape Internet traffic—from blocking to prioritizing or discriminating against content. The FCC could take a similar approach to

Federal Communications Commission

Moderate
Vector: 65%
Pages: 882-884AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"Both the bill and the Project 2025 FCC section aim to improve the effectiveness and accountability of the Universal Service Fund, but the bill focuses on applicant vetting while Project 2025 emphasizes Big Tech contributions and Section 230 reforms, resulting in only moderate thematic overlap."

Key themes:Universal Service FundFCC oversightaccountabilityrural broadband

— 849 — Federal Communications Commission Big Tech, and it should look to Section 230 and the Consolidated Reporting Act as potential sources of authority.19 In acting, the FCC could require these platforms to provide greater specificity regarding their terms of service, and it could hold them accountable by prohibiting actions that are inconsistent with those plain and particular terms. Within this framework, Big Tech should be required to offer a transparent appeals process that allows for the challenging of pretextual takedowns or other actions that violate clear rules of the road. l Support legislation that scraps Section 230’s current approach. The FCC should work with Congress on more fundamental Section 230 reforms that go beyond interpreting its current terms. Congress should do so by ensuring that Internet companies no longer have carte blanche to censor protected speech while maintaining their Section 230 protections. As part of those reforms, the FCC should work with Congress to ensure that antidiscrimination provisions are applied to Big Tech—including “back-end” companies that provide hosting services and DDoS protection. Reforms that prohibit discrimination against core political viewpoints are one way to do this and would track the approach taken in a social media law passed in Texas, which was upheld on appeal in late 2022 by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit.20 In all of this, Congress can make certain points clear. It could focus legislation on dominant, general-use platforms rather than specialized ones. This could include excluding comment sections in online publications, specialized message boards, or communities within larger platforms that self-moderate. Similarly, Congress could legislate in a way that does not require any platform to host illegal content; child pornography; terrorist speech; and indecent, profane, or similar categories of speech that Congress has previously carved out. l Support efforts to empower consumers. The FCC and Congress should work together to formulate rules that empower consumers. Section 230 itself codifies “user control” as an express policy goal and encourages Internet platforms to provide tools that will “empower” users to engage in their own content moderation. As Congress takes up reforms, it should therefore be mindful of how we can return to Internet users the power to control their online experiences. One idea is to empower consumers to choose their own content filters and fact checkers, if any. The FCC should also work with Congress to ensure stronger protections against young children accessing social media sites despite age restrictions that generally prohibit their use of these sites. — 850 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise It should be noted at this point that the views expressed here are not shared uniformly by all conservatives. There are some, including contributors to this chapter, who do not think that the FCC or Congress should act in a way that regulates the content-moderation decisions of private platforms. One of the main arguments that this group offers is that doing so would intrude— unlawfully in their view—on the First Amendment rights of corporations to exclude content from their private platforms. l Require that Big Tech begin to contribute a fair share. Big Tech has avoided accountability in several additional ways as well. One of them concerns the FCC’s roughly $9 billion Universal Service Fund. This initiative provides the support necessary to subsidize the agency’s affordable Internet and rural connectivity programs. The FCC obtains this funding through a line-item charge that carriers add to consumers’ monthly bills for traditional telecommunications service. While Big Tech derives tremendous value from the federal government’s universal service investments—using those federally supported networks to deliver their products and realize significant profits—these large corporations have avoided paying a fair share into the program. On top of that, the FCC’s current funding mechanism has been on an unsustainable path.21 By requiring traditional telephone customers to contribute to a fund that is being used increasingly to support broadband networks, the FCC’s current approach is the regulatory equivalent of taxing horseshoes to pay for highways. To put the FCC’s universal service program on a stable footing, Congress should require Big Tech companies to start contributing an appropriate amount. Conservatives are not unanimous in agreeing that the FCC should expand the USF contribution base. Instead, some argue that Congress should revisit the program’s entire funding structure and determine whether to continue subsidizing the provision of service. Future funding decisions, the argument goes, should be made by Congress through the normal appropriation process through which the USF program can compete for funding with other national initiatives. These decisions should be made with an eye to right-sizing the federal government’s existing broadband initiatives in light of both technological advances and the recent influx of billions of dollars in new appropriations that can be used to support efforts to end the digital divide. Protecting America’s National Security. During the Trump Administra- tion, the FCC ushered in a new and appropriately strong approach to the national

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About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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