SAFE BOTs Act

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Bill ID: 119/hr/6489
Last Updated: February 23, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9]

ID: H001093

Follow the money

The bill

SAFE BOTs Act

HR. 6489, 119th Congress — read as touching Big Tech Platforms.

The sponsor

Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$111,070 raised

24 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

85% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Federal Trade Commission" section, p. 908-910 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Forwarded by Subcommittee to Full Committee by Voice Vote.

December 10, 2025

Introduced

Committee Review

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill moves to the floor for full chamber debate and voting.

🗳️

Floor Action

✅

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another brilliant piece of legislation from the esteemed members of Congress. The SAFE BOTs Act, a bill so cleverly crafted that it's almost as if they wanted to create a new industry for compliance lawyers and bureaucrats.

**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The main purpose of this bill is to "protect" minors from the dangers of chatbots by requiring providers to clearly disclose that these AI systems are not licensed professionals. Because, you know, kids might actually think that a chatbot is a real person with feelings and expertise. The objectives are twofold: (1) to prevent minors from seeking advice from unqualified sources, and (2) to create a new regulatory framework for the burgeoning chatbot industry.

**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill requires chatbot providers to:

* Clearly disclose that their AI systems are not natural persons or licensed professionals * Provide resources for contacting a suicide and crisis intervention hotline * Establish policies to ensure that minors take breaks from interacting with chatbots after 3 hours * Address issues related to sexual material, gambling, and substance abuse

These provisions will be enforced by the Federal Trade Commission (FTC), which will have the authority to impose penalties and fines on non-compliant providers.

**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The affected parties include:

* Chatbot providers (e.g., tech companies, social media platforms) * Minors who interact with chatbots * Parents and guardians of minors * Mental health professionals and crisis intervention services * The FTC and other regulatory agencies

**Potential Impact & Implications:**

* Increased compliance costs for chatbot providers, which may lead to higher prices or reduced innovation in the industry * Potential job losses in the tech sector as companies struggle to adapt to new regulations * Unclear benefits for minors, who may still find ways to interact with unregulated chatbots or seek advice from other unqualified sources * A new revenue stream for the FTC and other regulatory agencies, which will likely use this bill as a pretext to expand their authority and budget

Now, let's take a look at the real motivations behind this bill. It's not about protecting minors; it's about creating a new regulatory framework that benefits special interest groups and campaign donors. The sponsors of this bill have received significant contributions from tech companies and lobbying groups, which will likely profit from the increased compliance costs and regulatory complexity.

In conclusion, the SAFE BOTs Act is just another example of Congress's tendency to overregulate and create unnecessary bureaucracy. It's a solution in search of a problem, driven by special interests and campaign donations rather than any genuine concern for public welfare.

Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$111,070
23 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$12,400
Committees
$0
Individuals
$98,670

No PAC contributions found

1
HABEMATOLEL POMO OF UPPER LAKE TRIBE OF CALIFORNIA
1 transaction
$3,300
2
OTOE MISSOURIA TRIBE OF OKLAHOMA
1 transaction
$3,300
3
TURTLE MOUNTAIN BAND OF CHIPPEWA OF NORTH DAKOTA
1 transaction
$3,300
4
CHEROKEE NATION
1 transaction
$2,500

No committee contributions found

1
BANKE, BARBARA
2 transactions
$9,900
2
SCHWARZMAN, CHRISTINE
1 transaction
$6,600
3
GRIFFIN, KENNETH
1 transaction
$6,600
4
ROWAN, CAROLYN
1 transaction
$6,600
5
ROWAN, MARC
1 transaction
$6,600
6
KIESLER, DOUGLAS M MR.
1 transaction
$6,600
7
VIELEHR, BYRON
1 transaction
$6,300
8
SMITH, JONATHAN
1 transaction
$6,000
9
SCHWARZMAN, STEPHEN
1 transaction
$5,600
10
DUHAMEL, WILLIAM
1 transaction
$5,000
11
LUCAS, CHARLOTTE
1 transaction
$5,000
12
TARZIAN, THOMAS N. MR.
1 transaction
$4,100
13
CROWE, KEVIN
1 transaction
$3,700
14
BRALY, ANGELA
1 transaction
$3,435
15
BRALY, DOUG
1 transaction
$3,435
16
MORGAN, MATTHEW
1 transaction
$3,300
17
JENNINGS, ROBERT
1 transaction
$3,300
18
PURUCKER, JIM
1 transaction
$3,300
19
ARNOLD, JOHN
1 transaction
$3,300

Donor Network - Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 58 nodes and 24 connections (54 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $111,070

Top Donors - Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9]

Showing top 23 donors by contribution amount

4 Orgs19 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 3 harmed.

  • −Big Tech Platformsconfidence 0.90

    Section 2(a)-(c) imposes disclosure, policy, and enforcement requirements on chatbot providers, which includes major tech companies that offer AI chatbots to consumers (e.g., Meta, Google, Microsoft). These provisions constitute new regulatory obligations, treated as a cost.

  • Section 2 regulates AI chatbot providers, which includes AI labs and cloud infrastructure providers offering conversational AI services (e.g., OpenAI, Anthropic, AWS, Azure). The disclosure, break policies, and FTC enforcement create compliance costs.

  • −Telecommunicationsconfidence 0.70

    Section 2 applies to chatbot providers that offer services via websites, mobile apps, or online means. Telecom companies (e.g., AT&T, Verizon) that provide chatbot services as part of their digital offerings would be subject to the same disclosure and policy requirements, imposing compliance costs.

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Houchin, Erin [R-IN-9])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HARMS

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Federal Trade Commission

Strong
Vector: 61%
Pages: 908-910AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"Both the SAFE BOTs Act and the Project 2025 FTC policy aim to protect minors from online harms by leveraging FTC authority to enforce transparency and safety measures, addressing deceptive or unfair practices that affect children's well-being."

Key themes:child online protectionFTC enforcementtransparency/disclosure requirementsmental health/safety concernsaddressing deceptive/unfair practices

— 875 — Federal Trade Commission Protecting Children Online. The FTC has long protected children in a variety of different contexts. Internet platforms profit from obtaining information from children without parents’ knowledge or consent—and social media’s effect on the well-being of American children is well-documented. Around 2012, American teens experienced a dramatic decline in wellness. Depression, self-harm, suicide attempts, and suicide all increased sharply among U.S. adolescents between 2011 and 2019,16 with similar trends worldwide.17 The increase occurred at the same time that social media use moved from rare to ubiquitous among teens,18 making social media a prime suspect for the sudden rise in mental health issues among teens. In addition, excessive social media use is strongly linked to mental health issues among individuals. Several studies strongly support the notion that social media use is a cause, not just a correlation, of subjective well-being and poor mental health.19 Social media and other large platforms form millions of contracts every year with American children. And even though a minor can void most contracts into which he or she enters, most jurisdictions have laws that hold minors accountable for the benefits received under the contract. Thus, children can make enforceable contracts for which parents could end up bearing responsibility. Targeting chil- dren to create potentially harmful contracts or making parents responsible for such contractual relationships is an unfair trade practice. The FTC, therefore, has the authority, interest, and duty to protect children online from such contractual relationships. l The FTC should examine platforms’ advertising and contract- making with children as a deceptive or unfair trade practice, perhaps requiring written parental consent. Currently, the Child Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA)20 regulates the information internet firms can obtain from children. COPPA fails because it (1) only protects children under the age of 13, leaving older teenagers completely unprotected and (2) only prohibits platforms from collecting information from a child using “actual knowledge” rather than abiding by the “constructive knowledge” standard, which prohibits collecting information from a user reasonably assumed to be underage. The FTC has rulemaking authority under this statute but has done little with this authority, nor can it—given the statutory constraints. However, l The FTC can and should institute unfair trade practices proceedings against entities that enter into contracts with children without parental consent. Personal parental responsibility is, of course, key, but the law must respect, not undermine, lawful parental authority.

Federal Trade Commission

Strong
Vector: 60%
Pages: 908-910AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The SAFE BOTs Act aligns with the Project 2025 FTC policy's focus on protecting children online by requiring chatbot providers to disclose AI nature, offer crisis resources, and enforce safety policies—all under FTC authority, reflecting shared goals of safeguarding minors from digital harms."

Key themes:child online protectionFTC enforcementtransparency/disclosureharmful content mitigationparental/guardian awareness

— 875 — Federal Trade Commission Protecting Children Online. The FTC has long protected children in a variety of different contexts. Internet platforms profit from obtaining information from children without parents’ knowledge or consent—and social media’s effect on the well-being of American children is well-documented. Around 2012, American teens experienced a dramatic decline in wellness. Depression, self-harm, suicide attempts, and suicide all increased sharply among U.S. adolescents between 2011 and 2019,16 with similar trends worldwide.17 The increase occurred at the same time that social media use moved from rare to ubiquitous among teens,18 making social media a prime suspect for the sudden rise in mental health issues among teens. In addition, excessive social media use is strongly linked to mental health issues among individuals. Several studies strongly support the notion that social media use is a cause, not just a correlation, of subjective well-being and poor mental health.19 Social media and other large platforms form millions of contracts every year with American children. And even though a minor can void most contracts into which he or she enters, most jurisdictions have laws that hold minors accountable for the benefits received under the contract. Thus, children can make enforceable contracts for which parents could end up bearing responsibility. Targeting chil- dren to create potentially harmful contracts or making parents responsible for such contractual relationships is an unfair trade practice. The FTC, therefore, has the authority, interest, and duty to protect children online from such contractual relationships. l The FTC should examine platforms’ advertising and contract- making with children as a deceptive or unfair trade practice, perhaps requiring written parental consent. Currently, the Child Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA)20 regulates the information internet firms can obtain from children. COPPA fails because it (1) only protects children under the age of 13, leaving older teenagers completely unprotected and (2) only prohibits platforms from collecting information from a child using “actual knowledge” rather than abiding by the “constructive knowledge” standard, which prohibits collecting information from a user reasonably assumed to be underage. The FTC has rulemaking authority under this statute but has done little with this authority, nor can it—given the statutory constraints. However, l The FTC can and should institute unfair trade practices proceedings against entities that enter into contracts with children without parental consent. Personal parental responsibility is, of course, key, but the law must respect, not undermine, lawful parental authority. — 876 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Other conservatives are more skeptical concerning the effect of online expe- rience on the young, comparing the concern about social media to concern about video games, television, and bicycle safety. They point out, as does Cato fellow Jeffrey A. Singer, that the psychiatric profession has yet to designate “internet addiction” or “social media addiction” as a mental disorder in the authoritative Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5-TR).21 These con- servatives also maintain that calling for regulation undermines conservatives’ calls for parental empowerment on education or vaccines as well as personal parenting responsibility. In addition, some of the methods used to regulate children’s internet access pose the risk of unintended harms. For instance, age verification regulations would inevitably increase the amount of data collection involved, increasing privacy con- cerns. Users would have to submit to platforms proof of their age, which raises the risks of data breach or illegitimate data usage by the platforms or bad actors. Limited-government conservatives would prefer the FTC play an educational role instead. That might include best practices or educational programs to empower parents online. Antitrust Enforcement. As is evidenced by a relentless focus on bringing Big Tech lawsuits, state attorneys general (AGs) are far more responsive to their con- stituents than is the FTC. Such a “boots on the ground” approach would benefit the FTC enormously. Practically, this would mean establishing a distinct role in the FTC Chairman’s office focused on state AG cooperation and inviting state AGs to Washington, D.C., to discuss enforcement policy in key sectors under the FTC’s jurisdiction: Big Tech, hospital mergers, supermarket mergers, and so forth. FTC regional offices are substantially more in touch with local issues. Over the past few decades, the reach and influence of regional offices has shrunk dramati- cally. The FTC should consider returning authority to these offices. Some conservatives however are less supportive of this idea. Conservative enthusiasm for the idea of adding regional FTC offices to the states is a break from the majority conservative position. Endorsing the federal government as a pre- mier job creator runs counter to decades of conservative opinion that holds that New Deal agencies and subsequent government bodies should never have been created in the first place, and that their red tape and interference is a dominant cause of economic inefficiency. Republicans used to seethe when Democrats tried to move federal offices into the states. In the early 1990s, House Minority Whip Newt Gingrich fumed about Senator Robert Byrd’s campaign to transfer certain national intelligence facilities to West Virginia, calling it a “pure abuse of power.” Some contributors to this chapter would remind conservatives that the unseen mechanics of redistribution—by which taxpayer money paid to state employees is taken from taxpayers nationwide—is a drag on the economy of the entire country. Many conservatives fear that it would be impossible to uproot or even prune back

Financial Regulatory Agencies

Weak
Vector: 61%
Pages: 875-878AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The SAFE BOTs Act focuses on protecting minors from AI chatbot harms through disclosure and crisis resources, while the Project 2025 excerpt concerns financial regulatory agencies (CFPB, FCC) and their civil penalty fund operations. Both share a general theme of regulatory oversight and consumer protection, but the substantive topics are unrelated."

Key themes:regulationconsumer protectiontransparencyenforcement

— 843 — Financial Regulatory Agencies 37. Table 7, “Civil Penalty Fund Significant Activity,” in Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, Financial Report of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, Fiscal Year 2022, November 15, 2022, p. 21, https://files. consumerfinance.gov/f/documents/cfpb_financial-report_fy2022.pdf (accessed March 23, 2023). 38. Ibid. 39. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, Financial Report of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, Fiscal Year 2022, p. 20. 40. 12 U.S. Code § 5491, https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/12/5491 (accessed March 23, 2023). 41. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, “Bureau Structure,” last updated March 15, 2023, https://www. consumerfinance.gov/about-us/the-bureau/bureau-structure/ (accessed March 23, 2023). 42. See Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, “Consumer Financial Civil Penalty Fund Rule,” https://www. consumerfinance.gov/rules-policy/final-rules/consumer-financial-civil-penalty-fund-rule/ (accessed March 23, 2023). 43. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, “Civil Penalty Fund: Consumer Education and Financial Literacy,” https://www.consumerfinance.gov/enforcement/payments-harmed-consumers/civil-penalty-fund/consumer- education-financial-literacy/ (accessed March 23, 2023). 44. U.S. Government Accountability Office, Consumer Financial Protection Bureau: Opportunity Exists to Improve Transparency of Civil Penalty Fund Activities, GAO-14-551, June 2014, https://www.gao.gov/assets/gao-14-551. pdf (accessed March 23, 2023). 45. Seila Law LLC v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, 591 U.S. ___ (2020), https://www.supremecourt.gov/ opinions/19pdf/19-7_n6io.pdf (accessed March 23, 2023). 46. Ibid., p. 37. 47. See 12 U.S. Code § 5497(a)(1), https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/12/5497 (accessed March 23, 2023). Congress specified that the amount transferred to the CFPB “shall not exceed” 12 percent “of the total operating expenses of the Federal Reserve System…in fiscal year 2013, and in each year thereafter.” Ibid., § 5497(2)(A)(iii). 48. Community Financial Services Association of America v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (5th Cir. 2022), pp. 31–32, https://www.ca5.uscourts.gov/opinions/pub/21/21-50826-CV0.pdf (accessed March 23, 2023). 49. Ibid., p. 32. 50. Ibid. (quoting Seila Law LLC v. CFPB, 140 S. Ct. 2183, 2202 n. 8 (2020)). 51. U.S. Supreme Court, “Order List: 598 U.S.,” February 27, 2023, Docket No. 22–448, CFPB et al. v. Com. Fin. Services Assn., et al., https://www.supremecourt.gov/orders/courtorders/022723zor_6537.pdf (accessed March 23, 2023). 52. Devin Watkins, Competitive Enterprise Institute, “Consumer Financial Protection Bureau: Ripe for Reform,” testimony before the Subcommittee on Financial Institutions and Monetary Policy, Committee on Financial Services, U.S. House of Representatives, March 9, 2023, https://docs.house.gov/meetings/BA/ BA20/20230309/115384/HHRG-118-BA20-Wstate-WatkinsD-20230309.pdf (accessed March 23, 2023); Norbert J. Michel, “7 Steps Next Director Can Take to Make the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau Less Awful,” Heritage Foundation Commentary, July 28, 2018, https://www.heritage.org/markets-and-finance/ commentary/7-steps-next-director-can-take-make-the-consumer-financial. 53. The Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC), Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, Federal Reserve, and National Credit Union Administration. Those functions performed by the Office of Thrift Supervision (OTS) prior to Dodd–Frank should be transferred to the OCC since OTS has merged with OCC. 54. See “Section 1071 of the Dodd–Frank Act” in David R. Burton, “Improving Small Business Access to Capital,” Consumer Financial Protection Bureau Symposium on Section 1071 of the Dodd–Frank Act, Small Business Lending Panel, November 6, 2019, https://files.consumerfinance.gov/f/documents/cfpb_burton-written- statement_symposium-section-1071.pdf (accessed March 23, 2023). 55. 5 U.S. Code Chapter 5, https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/5/part-I/chapter-5 (accessed March 23, 2023). 56. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, “Administrative Adjudication Proceedings,” https://www. consumerfinance.gov/administrative-adjudication-proceedings/ (accessed March 23, 2023), and 12 Code of Federal Regulations Part 1081—Rules of Practice for Adjudication Proceedings, https://www.law.cornell.edu/ cfr/text/12/part-1081 (accessed March 23, 2023). — 845 — 28 FEDERAL COMMUNICATIONS COMMISSION Brendan Carr MISSION STATEMENT The FCC should promote freedom of speech, unleash economic opportunity, ensure that every American has a fair shot at next-generation connectivity, and enable the private sector to create good-paying jobs through pro-growth reforms that support a diversity of viewpoints, ensure secure and competitive communi- cations networks, modernize outdated infrastructure rules, and represent good stewardship of taxpayer dollars. OVERVIEW AND BACKGROUND The FCC is an independent regulatory agency that has jurisdiction over inter- state and international communications by radio, television, wire, satellite, and cable.1 Five Commissioners are appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate for fixed five-year terms.2 The FCC does not have any other presidentially appointed, Senate-confirmed officials. Ordinarily, the five-member FCC is divided politically three to two with a majority of Commissioners from the same political party as the President. The Commissioners’ terms are staggered so that every year at the end of June, one Commissioner’s term expires.3 However, a Commissioner can continue to serve until the end of the next session of Congress (or up to 1.5 years beyond the expiration of the term) if no replacement is confirmed after his or her term ends.4 By law, only a bare majority of Commissioners can be from the same politi- cal party (no more than three when there are five members).5 By tradition, the Chairperson resigns when a new President of a different political party is sworn

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About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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