Federal Acquisition Security Council Improvement Act of 2026

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Bill ID: 119/hr/7274
Last Updated: June 26, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Timmons, William R. [R-SC-4]

ID: T000480

Follow the money

The bill

Federal Acquisition Security Council Improvement Act of 2026

HR. 7274, 119th Congress — read as touching Cybersecurity.

The sponsor

Rep. Timmons, William R. [R-SC-4]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$71,300 raised

22 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

85% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Department of Defense" section, p. 128-130 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Ordered to be Reported (Amended) by the Yeas and Nays: 40 - 1.

February 3, 2026

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

🏛️

Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

✅

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Joy, another bill that's going to "improve" something. How quaint.

**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The Federal Acquisition Security Council Improvement Act of 2026 is a bill that claims to enhance the security of federal acquisitions by making changes to the Federal Acquisition Security Council (FASC). The main purpose is to strengthen the council's ability to identify and mitigate risks associated with foreign adversaries in the supply chain. Yeah, because we all know how well government agencies handle cybersecurity.

**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill makes several changes to existing law, including:

* Redefining terms like "covered source of concern" and "designated order" (because who doesn't love a good game of bureaucratic wordplay?) * Expanding the membership of the FASC to include more officials from various executive agencies (because more cooks in the kitchen always leads to better soup) * Requiring members to have expertise in supply chain risk management, acquisitions, law, or information and communications technology (good luck with that)

**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The affected parties include:

* Federal agencies involved in procurement and acquisition * Contractors and suppliers who do business with the federal government * Foreign adversaries (or so we're told) who might be trying to infiltrate our supply chain

**Potential Impact & Implications:** This bill is a classic case of "security theater." It's designed to make it look like Congress is doing something about national security, but in reality, it's just more bureaucratic busywork. The changes will likely lead to:

* More red tape and regulatory hurdles for contractors and suppliers * Increased costs and complexity for federal agencies involved in procurement * A false sense of security among the general public (because who doesn't love a good placebo?)

In short, this bill is a Band-Aid on a bullet wound. It's a weak attempt to address real concerns about national security, but it will ultimately do more harm than good.

Diagnosis: This bill suffers from a bad case of "Legislative-itis," a disease characterized by an overabundance of bureaucratic jargon and a complete lack of actual substance. Treatment involves a healthy dose of skepticism and a strong stomach for the inevitable disappointment that follows.

Related Topics

Defense Spending & ProcurementFederal Budget & AppropriationsCybersecurity & Data Privacy
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Timmons, William R. [R-SC-4]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$71,300
21 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$5,300
Committees
$0
Individuals
$66,000

No PAC contributions found

1
OTOE MISSOURIA TRIBE
1 transaction
$3,300
2
CATAWBA INDIAN NATION
1 transaction
$2,000

No committee contributions found

1
BURGAMY, LARRY G. JR.
2 transactions
$6,600
2
CHEVES, WALLACE
1 transaction
$3,300
3
HODGES, MICHAEL LYNN
1 transaction
$3,300
4
CARROLL, WILLIAM
1 transaction
$3,300
5
FLOYD, KAREN K
1 transaction
$3,300
6
ADAMS, C. DAN
1 transaction
$3,300
7
RODRIGUEZ, RAUL
1 transaction
$3,300
8
MILLEGAN, BRANTLY
1 transaction
$3,300
9
ELLIS, SLOAN P.
1 transaction
$3,300
10
SOLTAN, MOHAMED
1 transaction
$3,300
11
GREGORY, PHILLIP W.
1 transaction
$3,300
12
MCKISSICK, A. FOSTER III
1 transaction
$3,300
13
JOHNSON, ROBERT M.
1 transaction
$3,300
14
WINKLEVOSS, CAMERON
1 transaction
$3,300
15
SCHWARZMAN, CHRISTINE
1 transaction
$3,300
16
WINKLEVOSS, TYLER
1 transaction
$3,300
17
SCHWARZMAN, STEPHEN
1 transaction
$3,300
18
CASCARILLA, MARISSA
1 transaction
$3,300
19
CASCARILLA, CHARLES
1 transaction
$3,300

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 3 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. Subramanyam, Suhas [D-VA-10]

ID: S001230

Top Contributors

10

1
FRIENDS OF RUSSET PERRY
OrganizationLEESBURG, VA
$1,000
May 16, 2024
2
GRO MORE DULANY BUILDERS
OrganizationMCLEAN, VA
$1,000
Sep 19, 2024
3
ELECT ATOOSA REASER
OrganizationSTERLING, VA
$250
Sep 30, 2024
4
IRUDHAYANATHAN, ANTHONY
ZILLION • IT
IndividualASHBURN, VA
$6,600
Jun 12, 2024
5
JACOBS, IRWIN M
IndividualLA JOLLA, CA
$3,300
Dec 31, 2024
6
ACHARYA, SANKET
7-ELEVEN • BUSINES OWNER
IndividualNEWPORT NEWS, VA
$3,300
Nov 19, 2023
7
ALDANA, AIME
DLA PIPER • OF COUNSEL
IndividualBURBANK, CA
$3,300
Nov 14, 2023
8
ALI, TAJAMMAL
TAJAMMAL ALI • SELF EMPLOYED
IndividualLEESBURG, VA
$3,300
Dec 11, 2023
9
BHUTADA, RISHI
STAR PIPE PRODUCTS • SENIOR VICE PRESIDENT
IndividualSUGAR LAND, TX
$3,300
Dec 8, 2023
10
CHALLA, JAYANTH
NOT EMPLOYED • NOT EMPLOYED
IndividualVIENNA, VA
$3,300
Nov 16, 2023

Rep. Moolenaar, John R. [R-MI-2]

ID: M001194

Top Contributors

10

1
MATCH-E-BE-NASH-SHE-WISH BAND POTTAWATOMI INDIANS
OrganizationSHELBYVILLE, MI
$3,300
Aug 30, 2023
2
PECHANGA BAND OF INDIANS
OrganizationTEMECULA, CA
$3,300
Aug 30, 2023
3
POKAGON BAND OF POTAWATOMI INDIANS
OrganizationDOWAGIAC, MI
$3,300
Aug 30, 2023
4
SAGINAW CHIPPEWA INDIAN TRIBE TRIBAL OPERATIONS
OrganizationMOUNT PLEASANT, MI
$3,300
Sep 30, 2023
5
SHINGLE SPRINGS BAND OF MIWOK INDIANS
OrganizationSHINGLE SPRINGS, CA
$3,300
Sep 30, 2023
6
NOTTAWASEPPI HURON BAND OF THE POTAWATOMI
OrganizationFULTON, MI
$3,300
Mar 12, 2024
7
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$3,300
Jun 20, 2024
8
SAULT STE. MARIE TRIBE CHIPPEWA INDIANS
OrganizationSAULT SAINTE MARIE, MI
$2,900
Dec 19, 2023
9
SAN MANUEL BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationLOS ANGELES, CA
$2,500
Mar 4, 2024
10
SHINGLE SPRINGS BAND OF MIWOK INDIANS
OrganizationSHINGLE SPRINGS, CA
$2,500
Sep 30, 2024

Rep. Krishnamoorthi, Raja [D-IL-8]

ID: K000391

Top Contributors

10

1
HONOR AGING LLC
OrganizationEAST BRUNSWICK, NJ
$3,300
Jul 16, 2024
2
PINNACLE HOSPITAL
OrganizationCROWN POINT, IN
$2,500
Mar 3, 2023
3
HOME BEE LLC
OrganizationWEST BLOOMFIELD, MI
$1,000
Sep 18, 2024
4
SAKA, SAMUEL
SELF EMPLOYED • ENTREPRENEUR
IndividualCHICAGO, IL
$6,600
Jun 2, 2023
5
SAKA, SAMUEL
IndividualCHICAGO, IL
$6,600
Jun 2, 2023
6
GAITONDE, SUJATA
UIC • PROFESSOR
IndividualCHICAGO, IL
$3,700
Feb 6, 2024
7
GAITONDE, SUNIL
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualCHICAGO, IL
$3,700
Feb 6, 2024
8
KALSI, RAHUL S
NICOR GAS • EXECUTIVE
IndividualOAK BROOK, IL
$3,700
Sep 22, 2023
9
KOZAKIEWICZ, BEATA
STERLING GROUP INC. • PRINCIPAL
IndividualCHICAGO, IL
$3,300
Oct 31, 2024
10
JAIN, RAJ
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualORLAND PARK, IL
$3,300
Nov 3, 2024

Donor Network - Rep. Timmons, William R. [R-SC-4]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 61 nodes and 31 connections (47 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $90,250

Top Donors - Rep. Timmons, William R. [R-SC-4]

Showing top 21 donors by contribution amount

2 Orgs19 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 2 helped, 3 harmed.

  • +Cybersecurityconfidence 0.90

    Section 2(c)(2)(B) establishes a Federal Acquisition Security Council Program Office within the Executive Office of the President to provide analysis and subject matter expertise on information communications technology, acquisition security, and supply chain risk, which benefits cybersecurity firms through increased government focus and potential contracts.

  • +Defense Contractorsconfidence 0.85

    Section 2(c)(2)(B) creates a Program Office to support the Council with expertise in acquisition security and supply chain risk, likely increasing defense-related procurement oversight and contracts for defense contractors involved in secure supply chains.

  • −Telecommunicationsconfidence 0.80

    Section 2(c)(3)(B)(viii) and related provisions allow for designated orders requiring removal of covered articles (which could include telecom equipment from foreign adversaries) from executive agency information systems, potentially harming telecom firms whose equipment is deemed a security risk.

  • −Big Tech Platformsconfidence 0.75

    Sections 2(c)(3)(A) and (B) authorize recommended and designated orders for exclusion or removal of covered articles from executive agency procurement and information systems, which could apply to big tech platforms deemed sources of concern, restricting their government sales.

  • The bill's focus on excluding or removing covered articles from executive agency information systems (Section 2(c)(3)(B)) could impact semiconductor and hardware manufacturers if their products are designated as covered articles from sources of concern, limiting government purchases.

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Department of Defense

Strong
Vector: 63%
Pages: 128-130AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill strengthens supply chain risk management in federal acquisitions, aligning with Project 2025's focus on securing the defense industrial base, prioritizing domestic production, and improving acquisition agility to counter adversarial threats."

Key themes:supply chain securitydefense industrial basedomestic sourcingacquisition reformnational security

— 96 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise relevant. This allows the acquisition community to focus on portfolio management and move money around more easily instead of being locked into inflexible, multiyear procurement cycles. 2. The President should examine the recommendations of the congressionally mandated Commission on Planning, Programming, Budgeting, and Execution Reform4 and develop a strategy for implementing those that the Administration considers to be in the best interests of the American people. The commission’s final report is due on September 1, 2023. 3. Develop legislation or other means of providing funding outside the traditional PPBE process for the prototyping and experimentation of emerging technologies that are deemed essential to modernization and future conflict. Consider creating a “fast track” for projects that satisfy the most pressing national security needs. 4. Require the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition and Sustainment, the Under Secretary for Research and Engineering, and all service secretaries to conduct “Night Court” and use existing authorities to terminate outdated or underperforming programs so that money can be used for what works and will work. Require the Under Secretaries and service secretaries to brief the Secretary annually on the results. 5. Require the Office of the Secretary of Defense to research and report on the acquisition processes used by America’s adversaries to improve our understanding of how they are often able to innovate and field new technologies on a faster timeline. l Strengthen America’s defense industrial base. 1. Replenish and maintain U.S. stockpiles of ammunition and other equipment that have been depleted as a result of U.S. support to Ukraine. This will strengthen the defense industry supply chain and ensure that adequate inventory exists if it is needed for a future conflict. 2. Collaborate with industry to develop a prioritized list of reforms that the DOD and Congress can enact and implement to incentivize industry to help America’s military innovate and field needed capabilities. — 97 — Department of Defense 3. Strengthen the ability of acquisition authorities to engage in multiyear procurements and block buys. This will improve private-sector rates of return, thereby incentivizing defense contractors to partner with the government. It will also reduce government overhead by reducing the number of procurement competitions. 4. Prioritize the U.S. and allies under the “domestic end product” and “domestic components” requirements of the Build America, Buy America Act.5 Currently, defense companies are required to manufacture defense items for the U.S. government that are 100 percent domestically produced and at least 50 percent composed of domestically produced components. However, there are loopholes that allow companies to manufacture these items overseas. This can create supply chain and other issues, especially in wartime. Manufacturing components and end products domestically and with allies spurs factory development, increases American jobs, and builds resilience in America’s defense industrial base. 5. Review the sectors currently prioritized for onshoring or “friendshoring” of manufacturing (kinetic capabilities, castings and forgings, critical materials, microelectronics, space, and electric vehicle batteries); evaluate them according to the strategic landscape; and expand or reprioritize the list as appropriate. 6. Help small businesses to become medium-size and large vendors, which encourages a more resilient industrial base and fosters competition. Encourage and plan for durable supply chains for small businesses so they also have commercial/private-sector customers and are not solely dependent on defense orders, which can be highly specialized, expensive, and irregular. 7. Increase external engagement among small businesses to inform them of DOD’s needs and how they could work with DOD to meet national security priorities. l Optimize the DOD acquisition community. 1. Create incentives to emphasize speed and agility in decision-making for prototyping and program-of-record starts and terminations. Most bureaucrats would rather follow a checklist and fail than go outside the procedures and win because failure means negative

Intelligence Community

Strong
Vector: 63%
Pages: 251-253AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill strengthens interagency supply chain risk mitigation through the Federal Acquisition Security Council, directly supporting Project 2025's emphasis on countering foreign adversary supply chain threats and enhancing NCSC-led counterintelligence coordination."

Key themes:supply chain riskcounterintelligenceforeign adversary threatsinteragency coordinationnational security protection

— 218 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise NATIONAL COUNTERINTELLIGENCE AND SECURITY CENTER (NCSC) The Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCI) has taken a keen inter- est in possibly updating the codified language underpinning much of the nation’s counterintelligence apparatus. “Spy vs. spy” threats continue to exist, but the rise of China and (to an extent) Russia’s machinations move beyond the governmental sphere to technological, economic, supply chain, cyber, academic, state, and local espionage threats at a level our country has never seen. The asymmetric threat includes cyber, nontraditional collection, and issues involving legitimate busi- nesses serving as collection platforms. Barring statutory changes that could occur before 2025, a future conserva- tive President should further empower and resource the IC by executive order or through suggested changes in the Counterintelligence Enhancement Act (CEA) of 2002.32 NCSC was given some authority for outreach efforts on behalf of the IC for counterintelligence education, insider threats, and broader U.S. government best practices, but there remain significant deltas between Title 50 and non–Title 50 entities’ protections. Primary operational elements should remain at the FBI and CIA, with the Bureau and NCSC collaborating on nongovernmental outreach. While there is no need to create a separate agency, a future President and DNI should amplify NCSC’s authorities and roles with respect to counterintelligence strategy, policy, outreach, and governance, including supporting necessary Joint Duty Assignments (JDA) for FBI and CIA personnel. At the same time, the FBI requires significant additional resources and legal authorities to fulfill its statu- tory role as the lead operational counterintelligence agency in dealing with the ever-growing threats posed by our adversaries. The CEA should be updated to include foreign espionage efforts aimed at universities. Corporate America, technology companies, research institutions, and academia must be willing, educated partners in this generational fight to protect our national security interests, economic interests, national sovereignty, and intellectual prop- erty as well as the broader rules-based order—all while avoiding the tendency to cave to the left-wing activists and investors who ignore the China threat and increasingly dominate the corporate world. Reinstitution of the National Security Higher Education Advisory Board and the National Security Business Alliance Council should be prioritized with leadership from the NCSC, the FBI, or a com- bination of both entities. When the CCP steals at least $400 billion–$600 billion in intellectual prop- erty each year, it is time to devote some strategic thinking to exactly how and to what degree counterintelligence efforts can help to protect America’s commercial endeavors. If Chinese strategic technology gains are happening almost entirely in transnational commercial space, for example, and the private sector is also gath- ering and analyzing some critical intelligence, these essential data points should assist in national-level counterintelligence efforts. — 219 — Intelligence Community The NCSC was created in the aftermath of 9/11 as the Terrorist Threat Integra- tion Center (TTIC), which later became the National Counterterrorism Center (NCTC) pursuant to President George W. Bush’s Executive Order 13354.33 The NCTC was an organization of approximately three dozen detainees from across the U.S. government with a mandate to integrate counterterrorism intelligence and missions, including terrorist screening. Eventually: In November 2014 the Director of National Intelligence (DNI) established NCSC by combining [the Office of the National Counterintelligence Executive] with the Center for Security Evaluation, the Special Security Center and the National Insider Threat Task Force, to effectively integrate and align counterintelligence and security mission areas under a single organizational construct. The Director of NCSC serves in support of the DNI’s role as Security Executive Agent (SecEA) to develop, implement, oversee and integrate personnel security initiatives throughout the U.S. Government.34 NCSC has added value in such areas as fusing cross-community intelligence for terrorism watchlisting purposes and improving information sharing while carrying roughly half of the overall cadre for the ODNI. An incoming Administration should focus NCTC on integrative tasks, many of which cannot be carried out elsewhere in the IC, but should not use personnel and resources for redundant analyses that duplicate the work of such other IC entities as the FBI and CIA. ADDITIONAL AREAS FOR REFORM Analytical Integrity. The “tradecraft” of intelligence analysis is mostly a col- lection of lessons learned over decades about what works and does not work in a profession whose high-stakes work is performed by thousands but that also bears little outside scrutiny and provides few metrics by which to gauge success or failure on a regular basis. These lessons have accumulated from: l The perceived misuse of intelligence by consumers as was the case with respect to war-related assessments in the Johnson and Bush Administrations; l Failures such as the failures to warn of the collapse of the Soviet Union and the specific threat of 9/11; l Successes in piecing together tactical and often technical puzzles such as estimates of Iranian nuclear program maturation; and l Strategic victories such as anticipating critical geopolitical developments that have been years in the making.

Intelligence Community

Strong
Vector: 63%
Pages: 251-253AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill strengthens federal procurement supply chain defenses against foreign adversary control, directly supporting Project 2025's focus on countering espionage and enhancing counterintelligence capabilities in supply chains."

Key themes:supply chain riskforeign adversary controlcounterintelligencenational securityprocurement security

— 218 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise NATIONAL COUNTERINTELLIGENCE AND SECURITY CENTER (NCSC) The Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCI) has taken a keen inter- est in possibly updating the codified language underpinning much of the nation’s counterintelligence apparatus. “Spy vs. spy” threats continue to exist, but the rise of China and (to an extent) Russia’s machinations move beyond the governmental sphere to technological, economic, supply chain, cyber, academic, state, and local espionage threats at a level our country has never seen. The asymmetric threat includes cyber, nontraditional collection, and issues involving legitimate busi- nesses serving as collection platforms. Barring statutory changes that could occur before 2025, a future conserva- tive President should further empower and resource the IC by executive order or through suggested changes in the Counterintelligence Enhancement Act (CEA) of 2002.32 NCSC was given some authority for outreach efforts on behalf of the IC for counterintelligence education, insider threats, and broader U.S. government best practices, but there remain significant deltas between Title 50 and non–Title 50 entities’ protections. Primary operational elements should remain at the FBI and CIA, with the Bureau and NCSC collaborating on nongovernmental outreach. While there is no need to create a separate agency, a future President and DNI should amplify NCSC’s authorities and roles with respect to counterintelligence strategy, policy, outreach, and governance, including supporting necessary Joint Duty Assignments (JDA) for FBI and CIA personnel. At the same time, the FBI requires significant additional resources and legal authorities to fulfill its statu- tory role as the lead operational counterintelligence agency in dealing with the ever-growing threats posed by our adversaries. The CEA should be updated to include foreign espionage efforts aimed at universities. Corporate America, technology companies, research institutions, and academia must be willing, educated partners in this generational fight to protect our national security interests, economic interests, national sovereignty, and intellectual prop- erty as well as the broader rules-based order—all while avoiding the tendency to cave to the left-wing activists and investors who ignore the China threat and increasingly dominate the corporate world. Reinstitution of the National Security Higher Education Advisory Board and the National Security Business Alliance Council should be prioritized with leadership from the NCSC, the FBI, or a com- bination of both entities. When the CCP steals at least $400 billion–$600 billion in intellectual prop- erty each year, it is time to devote some strategic thinking to exactly how and to what degree counterintelligence efforts can help to protect America’s commercial endeavors. If Chinese strategic technology gains are happening almost entirely in transnational commercial space, for example, and the private sector is also gath- ering and analyzing some critical intelligence, these essential data points should assist in national-level counterintelligence efforts.

Showing 3 of 5 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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