Stop the Scroll Act

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Bill ID: 119/s/1885
Last Updated: September 7, 2026

Sponsored by

Sen. Britt, Katie Boyd [R-AL]

ID: B001319

Follow the money

The bill

Stop the Scroll Act

S. 1885, 119th Congress — read as touching Big Tech Platforms.

The sponsor

Sen. Britt, Katie Boyd [R-AL]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$79,800 raised

26 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

85% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Federal Trade Commission" section, p. 914-917 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. Ordered to be reported with an amendment in the nature of a substitute favorably.

April 13, 2026

Introduced

Committee Review

Floor Action

📍 Current Status

Next: The full Senate will vote on whether to pass the bill.

✅

Passed Senate

🏛️

House Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another brilliant example of legislative theater, courtesy of the intellectually bankrupt individuals in Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?

**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The Stop the Scroll Act (S 1885) claims to address the "risks" associated with social media use, specifically its impact on mental health. How noble. In reality, this bill is a thinly veiled attempt to appear proactive while doing nothing to actually address the root causes of these issues.

**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill requires social media platforms to display a mental health warning label, which must be "clearly and conspicuously" displayed to users. Because, you know, a warning label is going to magically fix the complex problems of social media addiction and online harassment. The bill also defines various terms, such as "covered platform" and "anonymous content sharing platform," because who doesn't love a good game of bureaucratic terminology?

**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The usual suspects are affected: social media platforms, their users, and the Federal Trade Commission (FTC). But let's be real, the only stakeholders who truly matter are the politicians who get to grandstand about "protecting" the public, and the lobbyists who will inevitably find ways to water down or exploit these regulations.

**Potential Impact & Implications:** This bill is a Band-Aid on a bullet wound. It will do nothing to address the underlying issues driving social media addiction and online harm. Instead, it will create a new layer of bureaucratic red tape, which will be exploited by lawyers, lobbyists, and politicians. The warning labels will become a joke, much like the "Surgeon General's warnings" on cigarette packs. Users will ignore them, and platforms will find ways to circumvent or minimize their display.

In conclusion, this bill is a symptom of a deeper disease: the inability of our political system to address complex problems in a meaningful way. It's a classic case of "legislative placebo effect," where politicians pretend to take action, but actually do nothing to address the underlying issues. So, let's give it up for the Stop the Scroll Act: a masterclass in political theater, and a testament to the boundless stupidity of our elected officials.

Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Sen. Britt, Katie Boyd [R-AL]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$79,800
20 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$12,100
Committees
$0
Individuals
$67,700

No PAC contributions found

1
POARCH BAND OF CREEK INDIANS
2 transactions
$6,600
2
CHEROKEE NATION
1 transaction
$2,500
3
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
2 transactions
$2,000
4
HUNTON ANDREWS KURTH LLP
1 transaction
$1,000

No committee contributions found

1
SINGER, PAUL
2 transactions
$6,600
2
HALL, GEORGE STEWART
2 transactions
$6,600
3
HALL, LISA
2 transactions
$6,600
4
ARNOLD, LAURA
2 transactions
$6,600
5
STRONG, MIRANDA
1 transaction
$5,000
6
STEPHENS, TYLER
1 transaction
$3,300
7
LAMPTON, III, LESLIE B.
1 transaction
$3,300
8
LAMPTON, ROBERT HOWARD
1 transaction
$3,300
9
SIMMONS, KYLE
1 transaction
$3,300
10
LEOPOLD, ROBIN
1 transaction
$3,300
11
COOK, LYN S.
1 transaction
$3,300
12
CAMERON, ARTHUR
1 transaction
$3,300
13
OLMEM, ANDREW
1 transaction
$3,300
14
LAKE, MARIANNE
1 transaction
$3,300
15
LEE, ARNOLD H.
1 transaction
$3,300
16
LEE, HYO SANG
1 transaction
$3,300

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 4 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Sen. Fetterman, John [D-PA]

ID: F000479

Top Contributors

23

1
CHEROKEE NATION
OrganizationTAHLEQUAH, OK
$2,000
Feb 9, 2024
2
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$1,000
Nov 29, 2023
3
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$1,000
Jun 18, 2024
4
SIMMS, RONALD
RONALD SIMMS REAL ESTATE • PRINCIPAL
IndividualBEVERLY HILLS, CA
$6,700
Jun 18, 2024
5
SIMMS, RONALD
IndividualBEVERLY HILLS, CA
$3,400
Aug 15, 2024
6
ADLERSTEIN, ARI
SELF EMPLOYED • FINANCIAL ADVISOR
IndividualMERION STATION, PA
$3,300
Dec 12, 2024
7
GOLDMAN, AMIR
SUSQUEHANNA INTERNATIONAL GROUP • VENTURE CAPITALIST
IndividualBALA CYNWYD, PA
$3,300
Oct 6, 2024
8
GOLDMAN, AMIR
SUSQUEHANNA INTERNATIONAL GROUP • VENTURE CAPITALIST
IndividualBALA CYNWYD, PA
$3,300
Oct 6, 2024
9
LEPRINO, TERRY
LEPRINO FOODS • OWNER
IndividualDENVER, CO
$3,300
Nov 1, 2024
10
MAYER, ABRAHAM
AFTON PROPERTIES • PRINCIPAL
IndividualLOS ANGELES, CA
$3,300
Dec 12, 2024

Sen. Husted, Jon [R-OH]

ID: H001104

Top Contributors

0

No contribution data available

Sen. Slotkin, Elissa [D-MI]

ID: S001208

Top Contributors

35

1
MATCH-E-BE-NASH-SHE-WISH BAND OF POTTAWATOMI INDIANS
OrganizationSHELBYVILLE, MI
$3,300
Oct 31, 2024
2
SAULT STE. MARIE TRIBE OF CHIPPEWA INDIANS
OrganizationSAULT SAINTE MARIE, MI
$3,300
Oct 31, 2024
3
CHEROKEE NATION
OrganizationTAHLEQUAH, OK
$3,300
Dec 31, 2023
4
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$3,300
Mar 21, 2024
5
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$3,300
Jun 30, 2024
6
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$3,300
Jun 10, 2024
7
MASHANTUCKET PEQUOT TRIBAL NATION
OrganizationMASHANTUCKET, CT
$3,300
Sep 29, 2023
8
MATCH-E-BE-NASH-SHE-WISH BAND OF POTTAWATOMI INDIANS
OrganizationSHELBYVILLE, MI
$3,300
Sep 29, 2023
9
SEMINOLE TRIBE OF FLORIDA
OrganizationHOLLYWOOD, FL
$3,300
Sep 29, 2023
10
HABEMATOLEL POMO OF UPPER LAKE
OrganizationUPPER LAKE, CA
$3,300
Sep 27, 2024

Sen. Hassan, Margaret Wood [D-NH]

ID: H001076

Top Contributors

20

1
WOODS, ANDREW L.
LIBERTY PARTNERS GROUP • ATTORNEY
IndividualFORT MYERS, FL
$4,300
Jun 29, 2023
2
WOODS, ANDREW L.
IndividualFORT MYERS, FL
$3,900
Jul 12, 2023
3
BEKENSTEIN, ANITA
NOT EMPLOYED • NOT EMPLOYED
IndividualWAYLAND, MA
$3,300
Oct 4, 2023
4
BEKENSTEIN, JOSH
NOT EMPLOYED • RETIRED
IndividualWAYLAND, MA
$3,300
Oct 4, 2023
5
HUNTER, DANIEL
SELF-EMPLOYED • PLAYWRIGHT & TEACHER
IndividualCAMBRIDGE, MA
$3,300
Dec 6, 2023
6
KLARMAN, SETH
THE BAUPOST GROUP • CEO
IndividualBOSTON, MA
$3,300
Dec 18, 2023
7
SCHWARTZ, GABRIEL
DAVIDSON KEMPNER • INVESTMENT MANAGER
IndividualBROOKLYN, NY
$3,300
Oct 16, 2023
8
SWINDELL, C. DAVID
NOT EMPLOYED • NOT EMPLOYED
IndividualBOSTON, MA
$3,300
Oct 10, 2023
9
KORN, WILLIAM T.
NSRA • RADIOLOGIST
IndividualWABAN, MA
$3,300
Mar 29, 2023
10
KORN, WILLIAM T.
NSRA • RADIOLOGIST
IndividualWABAN, MA
$3,300
Mar 29, 2023

Donor Network - Sen. Britt, Katie Boyd [R-AL]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 52 nodes and 66 connections

Total contributions: $66

Top Donors - Sen. Britt, Katie Boyd [R-AL]

Showing top 20 donors by contribution amount

4 Orgs16 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 2 harmed.

  • −Big Tech Platformsconfidence 0.95

    Section 4(a) requires covered platform providers (social media platforms and anonymous content sharing platforms) to display mental health warning labels each time a user accesses the platform, which imposes operational costs and regulatory burdens on companies like Meta, Google, TikTok, etc.

  • −Telecommunicationsconfidence 0.80

    Section 5(a)(2)(C)(ii) extends enforcement to common carriers subject to the Communications Act of 1934, which includes telecom providers like AT&T, Verizon, and Comcast, subjecting them to potential liability for violations of the Act.

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Sen. Britt, Katie Boyd [R-AL])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HARMS

  • from 8 contributions
    • DIGERONIMO, RICH$3,000
    • ARCHER, WILLIAM$2,500
    • HAGAN, CLIFF$2,500
    • WINFREY, CHRISTOPHER$2,500
    • FISCHER, JESSICA$2,500

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Federal Trade Commission

Strong
Vector: 59%
Pages: 914-917AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The Stop the Scroll Act aligns closely with Project 2025's focus on addressing social media's impact on adolescent mental health, as evidenced by cited research linking digital media use to poor mental health outcomes, particularly among youth. Both emphasize regulatory action through the FTC to mitigate harms from social media platforms, reflecting shared concerns about welfare effects and behavioral risks."

Key themes:social media mental healthFTC regulatory authorityadolescent well-beingdigital media risksconsumer protection

— 881 — Federal Trade Commission 17. Jean M. Twenge, Jonathan Haidt, Andrew B. Blake, Cooper McAllister, Hannah Lemon, and Astrid Le Roy, “Worldwide Increases in Adolescent Loneliness,” Journal of Adolescence Vol. 93 (2019), pp. 257–269, https:// www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0140197121000853 (accessed March 23, 2023). 18. Jean M. Twenge, Gabrielle N. Martin, and Brian H. Spitzberg, “Trends in U.S. Adolescents’ Media Use, 1976– 2016: The Rise of Digital Media, the Decline of TV, and the (Near) Demise of Print,” Psychology of Popular Media Culture, Vol. 8, No. 4 (2019), pp. 329–345, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/327121650_ Trends_in_US_Adolescents'_Media_Use_1976-2016_The_Rise_of_Digital_Media_the_Decline_of_TV_and_ the_Near_Demise_of_Print (last visited March 21, 2023). 19. Hunt Allcott, Luca Braghieri, Sarah Eichmeyer, and Matthew Gentzkow. “The Welfare Effects of Social Media,” American Economic Review Vol. 110, No. 3 (2020), pp. 629–676; Melissa G. Hunt, Rachel Marx, Courtney Lipson, and Jordyn Young, “No More FOMO: Limiting Social Media Decreases Loneliness and Depression,” Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, Vol. 37, No. 10 (2018), pp. 751–768, https://guilfordjournals.com/doi/abs/10.1521/ jscp.2018.37.10.751 (last visited March 21, 2023). 20. The Child Online Privacy Protection Act of 1998, 15 U.S.C. § 6501. 21. The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5-TR) is the authoritative publication of the American Psychiatric Association. 22. Ceren Kurban, “World’s 22 Biggest Tech Companies of 2023,” UserGuiding Blog, March 13, 2023, available at https://userguiding.com/blog/biggest-tech-companies/. 23. Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (June 2019), available at https://openresearch-repository. anu.edu.au/bitstream/1885/276408/1/AusComp_85.pdf; UK Competition & Markets Authority, Online Platforms and Digital Advertising Market Study Final Report, July 2020, available at https://www.gov. uk/cma-cases/online-platforms-and-digital-advertising-market-study; European Union, Expert Group for the Observatory on the Online Platform Economy: Market Power and Transparency in Open Display Advertising—A Case Study, Final Reports, February 2021, available at https://digital-strategy.ec.europa.eu/en/ news/final-reports-eu-observatory-online-platform-economy. 24. St. Louis Fed, Producer Price Index by Commodity: Advertising Space and Time Sales: Internet Advertising Sales, Excluding Internet Advertising Sold by Print Publishers, available at https://fred.stlouisfed.org/ graph/?g=vtTd. 25. Allcott, supra note 19; see also Jean M. Twenge, Jonathan Haidt, Jimmy Lozano, and Kevin M. Cummins, “Specification Curve Analysis Shows that Social Media Use Is Linked to Poor Mental Health, Especially Among Girls,” Acta Psychologica, Vol. 224 (2022), p.103512, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.actpsy.2022.103512 (accessed March 23, 2023). 26. Markus Appel, Caroline Marker, and Timo Gnambs, “Are Social Media Ruining Our Lives? A Review of Meta- Analytic Evidence," Review of General Psychology, Vol. 24, No.1 (2020), pp. 60–74. 27. Leah Nylen, “How Washington Fumbled the Future,” Politico, March 16, 2021, https://www.politico.com/ news/2021/03/16/google-files-ftc-antitrust-investigation-475573 (accessed March 10, 2023). 28. Frank H. Easterbrook, “The Limits of Antitrust,” Texas Law Review, Vol. 63, No. 1 (1984), pp. 1–41, https:// chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2152&context=journal_articles (accessed March 23, 2023). 29. Allcott et al., “The Welfare Effects of Social Media.” 30. Adam Candeub, “Behavioral Economics, Internet Search, and Antitrust,” ISJLP, Vol. 9, No. 407 (2013), pp. 407–434.

Federal Trade Commission

Moderate
Vector: 61%
Pages: 908-910AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"Both the Stop the Scroll Act and the Project 2025 FTC section aim to use FTC authority to mitigate harms from social media, particularly concerning youth mental health, but the bill focuses on warning labels while the policy emphasizes contractual protections and parental consent."

Key themes:FTC regulationchild/adolescent mental healthsocial media harmsconsumer protectiononline safety

— 875 — Federal Trade Commission Protecting Children Online. The FTC has long protected children in a variety of different contexts. Internet platforms profit from obtaining information from children without parents’ knowledge or consent—and social media’s effect on the well-being of American children is well-documented. Around 2012, American teens experienced a dramatic decline in wellness. Depression, self-harm, suicide attempts, and suicide all increased sharply among U.S. adolescents between 2011 and 2019,16 with similar trends worldwide.17 The increase occurred at the same time that social media use moved from rare to ubiquitous among teens,18 making social media a prime suspect for the sudden rise in mental health issues among teens. In addition, excessive social media use is strongly linked to mental health issues among individuals. Several studies strongly support the notion that social media use is a cause, not just a correlation, of subjective well-being and poor mental health.19 Social media and other large platforms form millions of contracts every year with American children. And even though a minor can void most contracts into which he or she enters, most jurisdictions have laws that hold minors accountable for the benefits received under the contract. Thus, children can make enforceable contracts for which parents could end up bearing responsibility. Targeting chil- dren to create potentially harmful contracts or making parents responsible for such contractual relationships is an unfair trade practice. The FTC, therefore, has the authority, interest, and duty to protect children online from such contractual relationships. l The FTC should examine platforms’ advertising and contract- making with children as a deceptive or unfair trade practice, perhaps requiring written parental consent. Currently, the Child Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA)20 regulates the information internet firms can obtain from children. COPPA fails because it (1) only protects children under the age of 13, leaving older teenagers completely unprotected and (2) only prohibits platforms from collecting information from a child using “actual knowledge” rather than abiding by the “constructive knowledge” standard, which prohibits collecting information from a user reasonably assumed to be underage. The FTC has rulemaking authority under this statute but has done little with this authority, nor can it—given the statutory constraints. However, l The FTC can and should institute unfair trade practices proceedings against entities that enter into contracts with children without parental consent. Personal parental responsibility is, of course, key, but the law must respect, not undermine, lawful parental authority. — 876 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Other conservatives are more skeptical concerning the effect of online expe- rience on the young, comparing the concern about social media to concern about video games, television, and bicycle safety. They point out, as does Cato fellow Jeffrey A. Singer, that the psychiatric profession has yet to designate “internet addiction” or “social media addiction” as a mental disorder in the authoritative Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5-TR).21 These con- servatives also maintain that calling for regulation undermines conservatives’ calls for parental empowerment on education or vaccines as well as personal parenting responsibility. In addition, some of the methods used to regulate children’s internet access pose the risk of unintended harms. For instance, age verification regulations would inevitably increase the amount of data collection involved, increasing privacy con- cerns. Users would have to submit to platforms proof of their age, which raises the risks of data breach or illegitimate data usage by the platforms or bad actors. Limited-government conservatives would prefer the FTC play an educational role instead. That might include best practices or educational programs to empower parents online. Antitrust Enforcement. As is evidenced by a relentless focus on bringing Big Tech lawsuits, state attorneys general (AGs) are far more responsive to their con- stituents than is the FTC. Such a “boots on the ground” approach would benefit the FTC enormously. Practically, this would mean establishing a distinct role in the FTC Chairman’s office focused on state AG cooperation and inviting state AGs to Washington, D.C., to discuss enforcement policy in key sectors under the FTC’s jurisdiction: Big Tech, hospital mergers, supermarket mergers, and so forth. FTC regional offices are substantially more in touch with local issues. Over the past few decades, the reach and influence of regional offices has shrunk dramati- cally. The FTC should consider returning authority to these offices. Some conservatives however are less supportive of this idea. Conservative enthusiasm for the idea of adding regional FTC offices to the states is a break from the majority conservative position. Endorsing the federal government as a pre- mier job creator runs counter to decades of conservative opinion that holds that New Deal agencies and subsequent government bodies should never have been created in the first place, and that their red tape and interference is a dominant cause of economic inefficiency. Republicans used to seethe when Democrats tried to move federal offices into the states. In the early 1990s, House Minority Whip Newt Gingrich fumed about Senator Robert Byrd’s campaign to transfer certain national intelligence facilities to West Virginia, calling it a “pure abuse of power.” Some contributors to this chapter would remind conservatives that the unseen mechanics of redistribution—by which taxpayer money paid to state employees is taken from taxpayers nationwide—is a drag on the economy of the entire country. Many conservatives fear that it would be impossible to uproot or even prune back

Federal Trade Commission

Moderate
Vector: 61%
Pages: 908-910AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"Both the Stop the Scroll Act and the Project 2025 FTC policy seek to address harms of social media on young users' mental health and involve the FTC in regulating online platforms, but the bill lacks the child‑specific contractual and parental‑consent focus central to the Project 2025 proposal."

Key themes:FTC oversightsocial media mental healthchild/adolescent well-beingonline safetyregulatory intervention

— 875 — Federal Trade Commission Protecting Children Online. The FTC has long protected children in a variety of different contexts. Internet platforms profit from obtaining information from children without parents’ knowledge or consent—and social media’s effect on the well-being of American children is well-documented. Around 2012, American teens experienced a dramatic decline in wellness. Depression, self-harm, suicide attempts, and suicide all increased sharply among U.S. adolescents between 2011 and 2019,16 with similar trends worldwide.17 The increase occurred at the same time that social media use moved from rare to ubiquitous among teens,18 making social media a prime suspect for the sudden rise in mental health issues among teens. In addition, excessive social media use is strongly linked to mental health issues among individuals. Several studies strongly support the notion that social media use is a cause, not just a correlation, of subjective well-being and poor mental health.19 Social media and other large platforms form millions of contracts every year with American children. And even though a minor can void most contracts into which he or she enters, most jurisdictions have laws that hold minors accountable for the benefits received under the contract. Thus, children can make enforceable contracts for which parents could end up bearing responsibility. Targeting chil- dren to create potentially harmful contracts or making parents responsible for such contractual relationships is an unfair trade practice. The FTC, therefore, has the authority, interest, and duty to protect children online from such contractual relationships. l The FTC should examine platforms’ advertising and contract- making with children as a deceptive or unfair trade practice, perhaps requiring written parental consent. Currently, the Child Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA)20 regulates the information internet firms can obtain from children. COPPA fails because it (1) only protects children under the age of 13, leaving older teenagers completely unprotected and (2) only prohibits platforms from collecting information from a child using “actual knowledge” rather than abiding by the “constructive knowledge” standard, which prohibits collecting information from a user reasonably assumed to be underage. The FTC has rulemaking authority under this statute but has done little with this authority, nor can it—given the statutory constraints. However, l The FTC can and should institute unfair trade practices proceedings against entities that enter into contracts with children without parental consent. Personal parental responsibility is, of course, key, but the law must respect, not undermine, lawful parental authority.

Showing 3 of 5 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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