Financial Services and General Government Appropriations Act, 2026

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Bill ID: 119/hr/5166
Last Updated: July 10, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Joyce, David P. [R-OH-14]

ID: J000295

Follow the money

The bill

Financial Services and General Government Appropriations Act, 2026

HR. 5166, 119th Congress — read as touching Accounting & Tax Services.

The sponsor

Rep. Joyce, David P. [R-OH-14]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$60,200 raised

30 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

61% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Introduction" section, p. 40-42 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Placed on the Union Calendar, Calendar No. 193.

September 4, 2025

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

🏛️

Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the 119th Congress. Let's dissect this monstrosity, shall we?

**Total Funding Amounts and Budget Allocations**

The bill allocates a whopping $239 million for the Departmental Offices, because, you know, the Treasury Building needs some fancy new furniture to match the Secretary's ego. And who can forget the $21 million for the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States? Because nothing says "national security" like a committee with a name that sounds like a Bond villain.

**Key Programs and Agencies Receiving Funds**

The Office of Terrorism and Financial Intelligence gets a cool $230 million to combat all sorts of nefarious activities, including human rights violations and corruption. How quaint. I'm sure the $3 million earmarked for addressing human rights abuses will make a huge difference in the grand scheme of things.

**Notable Increases or Decreases from Previous Years**

I couldn't find any notable changes, but that's not surprising. Congress loves to play shell games with funding, moving money around like a three-card Monte dealer. It's all just a big game of smoke and mirrors.

**Riders or Policy Provisions Attached to Funding**

Oh boy, where do I even start? There are riders for everything from artificial intelligence and machine learning (because the Treasury needs to keep up with the times) to econometrics (whatever that means). And let's not forget the $7 million for administrative expenses for the Treasury Chief Information Officer. Because who doesn't love a good bureaucratic slush fund?

**Fiscal Impact and Deficit Implications**

The bill is a masterclass in fiscal irresponsibility, with no clear plan to pay for any of these goodies. It's just more of the same old "we'll worry about it later" approach that has driven our national debt into the stratosphere.

In conclusion, this appropriations bill is a perfect example of legislative malpractice. It's a Frankenstein's monster of pork barrel spending, bureaucratic bloat, and fiscal recklessness. But hey, at least the politicians will get to pat themselves on the back for "supporting national security" and "promoting economic growth." Meanwhile, the rest of us will be left to foot the bill.

Diagnosis: Terminal case of Congressional Stupidity Syndrome (CSS), characterized by a complete disregard for fiscal responsibility, a penchant for pork barrel spending, and an inability to prioritize actual needs over pet projects. Prognosis: Poor. Treatment: None available, as the disease is terminal and the patient is too far gone.

Related Topics

Federal Budget & AppropriationsDefense Spending & ProcurementNational Security & Intelligence
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Joyce, David P. [R-OH-14]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$60,200
21 donors
PACs
$49,100
Organizations
$1,500
Committees
$0
Individuals
$0
1
MORONGO BAND OF MISSION INDIANS NATIVE AMERICAN RIGHTS FUND
3 transactions
$6,600
2
PECHANGA BAND OF LUISENO INDIANS
2 transactions
$6,600
3
POARCH BAND OF CREEK INDIANS
2 transactions
$6,600
4
CHEROKEE NATION
2 transactions
$5,800
5
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON TRIBE
2 transactions
$4,950
6
THE CHICKASAW NATION
1 transaction
$3,300
7
SAN PABLO LYTTON CASINO
1 transaction
$3,300
8
AGUA CALIENTE BAND OF CAHUILLA INDIANS
1 transaction
$3,300
9
MATCH-E-BE-NASH-SHE-WISH BAND OF POTAWATOMI INDIANS
2 transactions
$3,000
10
CHOCTAW NATION OF OKLAHOMA
2 transactions
$2,650
11
SOBOBA BAND OF LUISENO INDIANS
1 transaction
$1,000
12
TOHONO O'ODHAM NATION
1 transaction
$1,000
13
SANTA YNEZ BAND OF MISION INDIANS
1 transaction
$1,000
1
MASHANTUCKET PEQUOT TRIBAL NATION
1 transaction
$1,000
2
MAGYAR FARMS, LLC
1 transaction
$250
3
CONCORD CLIFFS LLC
1 transaction
$250

No committee contributions found

No individual contributions found

Donor Network - Rep. Joyce, David P. [R-OH-14]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 59 nodes and 30 connections (76 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $60,200

Top Donors - Rep. Joyce, David P. [R-OH-14]

Showing top 21 donors by contribution amount

13 PACs3 Orgs5 Committees

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 8 helped, 10 harmed.

  • Section 529 of the bill prohibits using funds to review or approve the budget for the Financial Accounting Standards Board (FASB) until the FASB withdraws the Accounting Standards Update on Income Tax Disclosures issued in December 2023. This restriction benefits accounting firms by preventing new disclosure requirements that could increase compliance costs, effectively providing a regulatory rollback.

  • Section 636 explicitly prohibits using funds to procure electric vehicles, electric vehicle batteries, electric vehicle charging stations or infrastructure. This directly harms EV manufacturers and charging network companies by eliminating a potential government market for their products.

  • +Health Insuranceconfidence 0.90

    Section 761 prohibits using funds to cover gender-affirming care in Federal Employees Health Benefits program, which harms health insurers by limiting coverage options and potentially reducing enrollment in plans offering such care.

  • +Cybersecurityconfidence 0.90

    Title I includes $99M for Treasury cybersecurity enhancement account and $34M for Treasury-wide Financial Statement Audit and Internal Control Program (including cybersecurity), directly benefiting cybersecurity contractors.

  • Big Tech Platformsconfidence 0.85

    Section 636 prohibits using funds to procure electric vehicles, electric vehicle batteries, electric vehicle charging stations or infrastructure. This harms companies like Tesla, Rivian, and ChargePoint that rely on government procurement for EV adoption, representing a market contraction for the EV industry.

  • Section 704 restricts hiring of non-citizens and imposes citizenship requirements for federal employment, which could limit hospitals' ability to hire foreign-trained medical staff, harming healthcare systems reliant on international workers.

+ 12 more industries not shown.

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Joyce, David P. [R-OH-14])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HARMS

  • from 6 contributions
    • ROWAN, MARC$6,600
    • KLEINMAN, SCOTT$3,400
    • ZELTER, JAMES C. MR.$3,400
    • MORONEY, JOSEPH$1,000

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.

Introduction

Moderate61.0%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes; — 8 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Bureaucrats at the Department of Homeland Security, following the lead of a feckless Administration, order border and immigration enforcement agencies to help migrants criminally enter our country with impunity; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Education inject racist, anti-American, ahistorical propaganda into America’s classrooms; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Justice force school districts to undermine girls’ sports and parents’ rights to satisfy transgender extremists; l Woke bureaucrats at the Pentagon force troops to attend “training” seminars about “white privilege”; and l Bureaucrats at the State Department infuse U.S. foreign aid programs with woke extremism about “intersectionality” and abortion.3 Unaccountable federal spending is the secret lifeblood of the Great Awokening. Nearly every power center held by the Left is funded or supported, one way or another, through the bureaucracy by Congress. Colleges and school districts are funded by tax dollars. The Administrative State holds 100 percent of its power at the sufferance of Congress, and its insulation from presidential discipline is an unconstitutional fairy tale spun by the Washington Establishment to protect its turf. Members of Congress shield themselves from constitutional accountability often when the White House allows them to get away with it. Cultural institutions like public libraries and public health agencies are only as “independent” from public accountability as elected officials and voters permit. Let’s be clear: The most egregious regulations promulgated by the current Administration come from one place: the Oval Office. The President cannot hide behind the agencies; as his many executive orders make clear, his is the respon- sibility for the regulations that threaten American communities, schools, and families. A conservative President must move swiftly to do away with these vast abuses of presidential power and remove the career and political bureaucrats who fuel it. Properly considered, restoring fiscal limits and constitutional accountability to the federal government is a continuation of restoring national sovereignty to the American people. In foreign affairs, global strategy, federal budgeting and pol- icymaking, the same pattern emerges again and again. Ruling elites slash and tear at restrictions and accountability placed on them. They centralize power up and away from the American people: to supra-national treaties and organizations, to left-wing “experts,” to sight-unseen all-or-nothing legislating, to the unelected career bureaucrats of the Administrative State.

Introduction

Moderate61.0%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes;

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.

Full Policy Text

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