Financial Services and General Government Appropriations Act, 2027

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Bill ID: 119/hr/8495
Last Updated: June 10, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Joyce, David P. [R-OH-14]

ID: J000295

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

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Latest Action

Placed on the Union Calendar, Calendar No. 540.

April 23, 2026

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

🏛️

Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

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1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the 119th Congress. Let's dissect this monstrosity, shall we?

The Financial Services and General Government Appropriations Act, 2027 (HR 8495) is a $240 million exercise in bureaucratic self-preservation, with a few token nods to actual governance. The Department of the Treasury gets the lion's share, because, of course, they're the ones who get to decide how to "allocate and expend" our hard-earned tax dollars.

The bill allocates $240,774,000 for the Departmental Offices, which includes a whopping $1,350,000 for "official reception and representation expenses" – because, clearly, hosting the G7 Financial Summit is far more important than, say, funding actual financial regulation. And let's not forget the $258,000 for "unforeseen emergencies of a confidential nature," which is just code for "slush fund."

The Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States gets a cool $22 million, because who doesn't love a good game of "let's pretend to care about national security"? And the Office of Terrorism and Financial Intelligence receives $237,662,000, which will undoubtedly be used to combat the scourge of... wait for it... human rights violations and corruption! (Just don't ask about the actual track record on that front.)

Notable increases include a $6 million bump for the Treasury Chief Information Officer's administrative expenses, because cybersecurity is apparently a luxury we can afford. And let's not forget the $9,400,000 for department-wide systems and capital investments programs – because who needs actual policy when you can just throw money at shiny new tech?

As for riders and policy provisions, there are plenty of goodies tucked away in this bill. For instance, the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States gets to transfer funds to other departments and agencies, subject only to "advance notification" (read: a wink and a nod). And the Office of Terrorism and Financial Intelligence gets to use artificial intelligence and machine learning to strengthen enforcement of sanctions – because nothing says "effective governance" like relying on unproven tech.

Fiscally speaking, this bill is a joke. The total funding amounts are a drop in the bucket compared to the actual budget, and the allocations are a masterclass in creative accounting. But hey, who needs fiscal responsibility when you can just kick the can down the road and hope no one notices?

In conclusion, HR 8495 is a symptom of a deeper disease: the chronic inability of our elected officials to prioritize actual governance over self-serving grandstanding. It's a bill that says, "We care about financial regulation... as long as it doesn't interfere with our cocktail parties." So, by all means, let's give this monstrosity the scrutiny it so rightly deserves – and then let's get back to the real work of governing, rather than just pretending to.

Related Topics

Federal Budget & Appropriations Foreign Aid & Diplomacy Defense Spending & Procurement
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Joyce, David P. [R-OH-14]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$60,200
21 donors
PACs
$49,100
Organizations
$1,500
Committees
$0
Individuals
$0
1
MORONGO BAND OF MISSION INDIANS NATIVE AMERICAN RIGHTS FUND
3 transactions
$6,600
2
PECHANGA BAND OF LUISENO INDIANS
2 transactions
$6,600
3
POARCH BAND OF CREEK INDIANS
2 transactions
$6,600
4
CHEROKEE NATION
2 transactions
$5,800
5
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON TRIBE
2 transactions
$4,950
6
THE CHICKASAW NATION
1 transaction
$3,300
7
SAN PABLO LYTTON CASINO
1 transaction
$3,300
8
AGUA CALIENTE BAND OF CAHUILLA INDIANS
1 transaction
$3,300
9
MATCH-E-BE-NASH-SHE-WISH BAND OF POTAWATOMI INDIANS
2 transactions
$3,000
10
CHOCTAW NATION OF OKLAHOMA
2 transactions
$2,650
11
SOBOBA BAND OF LUISENO INDIANS
1 transaction
$1,000
12
TOHONO O'ODHAM NATION
1 transaction
$1,000
13
SANTA YNEZ BAND OF MISION INDIANS
1 transaction
$1,000
1
MASHANTUCKET PEQUOT TRIBAL NATION
1 transaction
$1,000
2
MAGYAR FARMS, LLC
1 transaction
$250
3
CONCORD CLIFFS LLC
1 transaction
$250

No committee contributions found

No individual contributions found

Donor Network - Rep. Joyce, David P. [R-OH-14]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

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Showing 22 nodes and 30 connections

Total contributions: $60,200

Top Donors - Rep. Joyce, David P. [R-OH-14]

Showing top 21 donors by contribution amount

13 PACs3 Orgs5 Committees

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 17 helped,8 harmed.

  • Title I appropriates $165,000,000 for Treasury Inspector General for Tax Administration salaries and expenses, which supports tax enforcement and audit activities that benefit accounting firms through increased demand for tax compliance services.

  • Title I appropriates $9,400,000 for department-wide systems and capital investments programs for development and acquisition of automatic data processing equipment, software, services and repairs/renovations to Treasury-owned buildings, benefiting construction and engineering firms.

  • Title I includes $3,000,000 for grants for loan loss reserve funds and technical assistance for small dollar loan programs under section 122 of Public Law 103-325, which can support long-term care providers serving elderly populations, indirectly benefiting the long-term care industry.

  • +Commercial Banks confidence 0.85

    Title I appropriates $276,600,000 for the Community Development Financial Institutions Fund, which provides financial assistance to CDFIs that often partner with commercial banks for lending and investment activities.

  • Title I appropriates $59,000,000 for the Cybersecurity Enhancement Account for enhanced cybersecurity for Treasury systems, which benefits law enforcement and surveillance tech vendors providing cybersecurity solutions.

  • Tobacco confidence 0.85

    Title I appropriates $157,795,000 for the Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau salaries and expenses, including $5,000,000 for costs associated with enforcement of and education regarding the trade practice provisions of the Federal Alcohol Administration Act, which increases regulatory oversight of tobacco products.

+ 19 more industries not shown.

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Joyce, David P. [R-OH-14]) received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HELPS

Industries this bill HARMS

  • from 6contributions
    • ROWAN, MARC$6,600
    • KLEINMAN, SCOTT$3,400
    • ZELTER, JAMES C. MR.$3,400
    • MORONEY, JOSEPH$1,000
  • Tobacco$1,500
    from 1contribution
    • DIMAROB, MICHELLE$1,500

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document. AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Introduction

Weak
Vector: 61%
Pages: 300-302 AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill and the Project 2025 policy are tangentially related, as they both touch on issues of government spending and international relations, but they do not share significant overlap in objectives or themes. The bill focuses on appropriations for the Department of the Treasury, while the policy discusses humanitarian aid and its potential misuse."

Key themes: government spending international relations financial regulation

— 267 — Agency for International Development benefits financially from extending and expanding these large-scale programs for years, even decades, ensures little scrutiny of these ever-increasing appropriations. The massive growth in “emergency” aid distorts humanitarian responses, wors- ens corruption in the countries we support, and exacerbates the misery of those we intend to help. The permanence of this assistance, particularly in countries where we have little to no in-country presence and must rely on U.N. agencies to self-monitor, has morphed into a co-governance scheme in which the U.S. govern- ment effectively finances the social services obligations of corrupt regimes that threaten the United States. These governments can then redirect scarce budget resources away from costly health and education toward financing their wars, sup- porting terrorism, repressing their citizens, and enriching themselves. Examples of this abuse are spread throughout the world. l Over the past decade, the U.S. government has expended $14 billion in aid to Syria where the bloody regime of Bashar al-Assad—a close ally of Iran and Russia—skims nearly half of foreign aid through inflated official exchange rates, the diversion of food baskets to its military units, and procurement arrangements with compromised local contractors. l Yemen, once the breadbasket of the Arabian Peninsula, is now dependent on billions of dollars of aid as formerly productive Yemeni farmers cannot compete against “free food” while irrigation systems remain in disrepair, leaving the country to suffer from water shortages during long summer droughts and flooding during its rainy season. Iran-backed Houthi rebels divert substantial amounts of aid to support their war efforts. l In Afghanistan, the aid infrastructure built over 20 years of American military presence that three Presidents wanted to end collapsed with the failure of U.S.-trained Afghan forces to repel the Taliban’s 2021 advances. Yet the country has received nearly $1 billion more in U.S. humanitarian aid since the Taliban’s takeover and absent a U.S. embassy to ensure that it is not diverted to the Taliban and other terrorist groups. l In Burma, U.S. aid finances all of the food and medical care for hundreds of thousands of persecuted Rohingya that the military regime forces to live in open-air concentration camps. l In northern Iraq, hundreds of thousands of Yazidis—targeted for genocidal extermination by ISIS—remain in miserable camps unable to return home because of the Iraqi government’s refusal to clear out Iran-backed militias occupying their homeland. — 268 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise In effect, humanitarian aid is sustaining war economies, creating financial incentives for warring parties to continue fighting, discouraging governments from reforming, and propping up malign regimes. Nefarious actors reap billions of dollars in profits from diversions of our human- itarian assistance, but so do international organizations. The WFP charges 36 percent in overhead while Oxfam International’s overhead has reached 70 percent in Yemen, reflecting the high costs of foreign staff, security, and logistics. With pow- erful lobbies in Washington, D.C., and in leadership positions throughout USAID and the Department of State, the aid industry adroitly exploits Congress’s dispo- sition to increase funding year on year to assist those in dire need but provides no evidence to justify the mounting budget requests. In 2020, USAID’s leadership fused formerly bifurcated food and nonfood emergency relief operations into a single Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance to improve the management of the agency’s largest portfolio, but this reform was not sufficient to address the problem. The next Administration should resize and repurpose USAID’s humanitarian aid portfolio to restore its original purpose of providing emergency short-term relief, prepare vulnerable communities for tran- sition, and do no harm in the following ways: l Work with Congress to make deep cuts in the IDA budget by ending programs that do more harm than good in places controlled by malign actors, such as in Yemen, Syria, and Afghanistan, where our aid is consumed by fraud, diversion, and partner overhead costs. l Require USAID and the State Department to devise country-based exit strategies that term-limit the duration of humanitarian responses and transition funding from emergency to development projects. This will require robust diplomacy to press host governments to integrate displaced persons in lieu of keeping them in expensive and dehumanizing camps financed by the international community. l Transition from large awards to expensive, inefficient, and corrupt U.N. agencies, global NGOs, and contractors to local, especially faith-based, entities that are already operating on the ground. This approach provides a far less expensive and more effective alternative for aid delivery. Local partners more ably navigate corrupt environments and are more likely to steer vulnerable populations away from dependence on aid toward self-sufficiency. l Require that BHA avail itself of existing IDA authorities that it fails to use, including to dispense with the cost-reimbursement model that disqualifies

Introduction

Weak
Vector: 61%
Pages: 300-302 AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill and the Project 2025 policy are tangentially related through their discussion of government spending and foreign aid, but they do not share significant objectives or themes. The bill focuses on domestic financial regulation and appropriations, while the policy critiques international aid and its potential for corruption and misuse."

Key themes: government spending foreign aid corruption

— 267 — Agency for International Development benefits financially from extending and expanding these large-scale programs for years, even decades, ensures little scrutiny of these ever-increasing appropriations. The massive growth in “emergency” aid distorts humanitarian responses, wors- ens corruption in the countries we support, and exacerbates the misery of those we intend to help. The permanence of this assistance, particularly in countries where we have little to no in-country presence and must rely on U.N. agencies to self-monitor, has morphed into a co-governance scheme in which the U.S. govern- ment effectively finances the social services obligations of corrupt regimes that threaten the United States. These governments can then redirect scarce budget resources away from costly health and education toward financing their wars, sup- porting terrorism, repressing their citizens, and enriching themselves. Examples of this abuse are spread throughout the world. l Over the past decade, the U.S. government has expended $14 billion in aid to Syria where the bloody regime of Bashar al-Assad—a close ally of Iran and Russia—skims nearly half of foreign aid through inflated official exchange rates, the diversion of food baskets to its military units, and procurement arrangements with compromised local contractors. l Yemen, once the breadbasket of the Arabian Peninsula, is now dependent on billions of dollars of aid as formerly productive Yemeni farmers cannot compete against “free food” while irrigation systems remain in disrepair, leaving the country to suffer from water shortages during long summer droughts and flooding during its rainy season. Iran-backed Houthi rebels divert substantial amounts of aid to support their war efforts. l In Afghanistan, the aid infrastructure built over 20 years of American military presence that three Presidents wanted to end collapsed with the failure of U.S.-trained Afghan forces to repel the Taliban’s 2021 advances. Yet the country has received nearly $1 billion more in U.S. humanitarian aid since the Taliban’s takeover and absent a U.S. embassy to ensure that it is not diverted to the Taliban and other terrorist groups. l In Burma, U.S. aid finances all of the food and medical care for hundreds of thousands of persecuted Rohingya that the military regime forces to live in open-air concentration camps. l In northern Iraq, hundreds of thousands of Yazidis—targeted for genocidal extermination by ISIS—remain in miserable camps unable to return home because of the Iraqi government’s refusal to clear out Iran-backed militias occupying their homeland.

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

Full Policy Text

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