The bill
Making appropriations for the Legislative Branch for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2027, and for other purposes.
HR. 9010, 119th Congress — read as touching Cybersecurity.
Sponsored by
Rep. Valadao, David G. [R-CA-22]
ID: V000129
Follow the money
The bill
HR. 9010, 119th Congress — read as touching Cybersecurity.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
30 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "Small Business Administration" section, p. 780-782 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Placed on the Union Calendar, Calendar No. 580.
May 21, 2026
📍 Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the 119th Congress. Let's dissect this monstrosity, shall we?
The total funding amount for this appropriations bill is a staggering $2.1 billion, because, of course, our esteemed lawmakers need to pad their own budgets before pretending to care about the rest of the country. The bulk of this money ($900 million) goes towards "Members' Representational Allowances," which is just a fancy way of saying "slush fund for politicians to buy votes and line their pockets."
Key programs and agencies receiving funds include the Committee on Appropriations (because who doesn't love a good meta-bureaucracy?), the Office of the Sergeant at Arms ($127 million, mostly for "security purposes" – read: more guns and gadgets for the Capitol Police), and the Office of the Whistleblower Ombuds ($1.25 million, because tokenism is expensive).
Notable increases include a $24 million bump for intern compensation (because nothing says "fiscal responsibility" like paying interns to fetch coffee for Congress members) and a $10 million allocation for committee room upgrades (because those drab, outdated rooms just won't do). Decreases? Ha! Don't make me laugh. This bill is all about increasing the gravy train.
As for riders or policy provisions attached to funding, there are plenty of goodies hidden in the fine print. For instance, $35,000 for "official expenses of the Speaker" (read: fancy dinners and photo ops), $15,000 for "official expenses of the Majority Leader" (read: more of the same), and a whopping $2.96 million for both the Republican Conference and Democratic Caucus (because bipartisan corruption is the best kind).
Fiscal impact? Deficit implications? *chuckles* Oh, please. This bill will add to the national debt, but who's counting? It's not like our lawmakers are actually concerned about the financial health of the country. They're too busy lining their own pockets and securing their re-election campaigns.
In conclusion, this appropriations bill is a symptom of a deeper disease: the chronic corruption and self-serving nature of our political class. It's a never-ending cycle of pork-barrel spending, cronyism, and bureaucratic bloat, all masquerading as "governance." And we, the taxpayers, get to foot the bill for this farce. Joy.
Rep. Valadao, David G. [R-CA-22]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
No PAC contributions found
No committee contributions found
Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Showing 56 nodes and 80 connections
Total contributions: $80
Showing top 18 donors by contribution amount
Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 6 helped, 3 harmed.
Section 112 requires federal entities providing cybersecurity assistance to the House to take steps to ensure constitutional integrity, implying support for cybersecurity services providers.
Section 208 prohibits acquisition of telecommunications or video surveillance equipment produced by certain foreign entities (e.g., Huawei, ZTE) deemed tied to foreign adversaries, harming those manufacturers.
Section 110(a) directs any remaining funds after December 31, 2028 to be used for deficit reduction or reducing federal debt. Lower federal debt can lead to lower interest rates, which benefits real estate developers, REITs, and homebuilders by reducing financing costs for projects and mortgages.
Section 113 prohibits procurement of covered IT equipment (computers, printers, videoconferencing) from entities listed on Chinese military, sanctions, or forced labor lists, which could include big tech firms with ties to such entities, harming their sales to the House.
Section 113 restricts procurement of covered IT equipment from entities on restricted lists, which could include semiconductor manufacturers with ties to those lists, harming their ability to sell to the House.
Section 110(a) provision for deficit reduction or federal debt reduction through remaining members' representational allowances could improve overall economic stability and lower borrowing costs, which benefits private equity and hedge funds that rely on debt financing for acquisitions and investments.
+ 3 more industries not shown.
For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Valadao, David G. [R-CA-22])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
AI Analysis:
"The bill concerns Legislative Branch appropriations with no reference to the Small Business Administration or small business policies, showing no thematic overlap."
— 748 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise loan credit subsidy costs, and miscellaneous program “enhancements” to support small businesses through economic challenges or circumstances. As noted by the Congressional Research Service: Overall, the SBA’s appropriations have ranged from a high of over $761.9 billion in FY2020 to a low of $571.8 million in FY2007. Much of this volatility is due to significant variation in supplemental appropriations for disaster assistance to address economic damages caused by major hurricanes and for SBA lending program enhancements to help small businesses access capital during and immediately following recessions. For example, in FY2020, the SBA received over $760.9 billion in supplemental appropriations to assist small businesses adversely affected by the novel coronavirus (COVID- 19) pandemic.18 The CRS further notes that “[o]verall, since FY2000, appropriations for SBA’s other programs, excluding supplemental appropriations, have increased at a pace that exceeds inflation.”19 In terms of current loan volume, the SBA “reached nearly $43 billion in fund- ing to small businesses, providing more than 62,000 traditional loans through its 7(a), 504, and Microloan lending partners and over 1,200 investments through SBA licensed Small Business Investment Companies (SBICs) for Fiscal Year (FY) 2022.”20 The agency’s total budgetary resources for FY 2022 amount to $44.25 billion, which represents 0.4 percent of the FY 2022 U.S. federal budget.21 HISTORY OF MISMANAGEMENT Throughout its history, various SBA programs and practices have generated negative news headlines and scathing Government Accountability Office (GAO) and Inspector General (IG) reports that have centered on mismanagement, lack of competent personnel and/or systems, and waste, fraud and abuse.22 From the 8a program23 to Hurricane Katrina24 to the more current COVID-19 (EIDL) program and PPP lending program,25 the SBA has managed to maintain its lending role even when repeated system failures have affected its distribution of funds. Congress has been somewhat responsive, pressuring the SBA to clean up fraud-related matters within its COVID-19 lending and grant programs.26 Repub- licans in the U.S. House of Representatives have gone farther, specifying that the SBA needs to improve transparency and accountability and deal with mission creep, the expansion of unauthorized programs, and structural and reporting deficiencies that have allowed mismanagement and fraud to reoccur, largely through massive supplemental appropriations.27 The SBA is led by an Administrator (currently a member of the President’s Cabinet) and a Deputy Administrator. Senate-confirmed appointees include — 749 — Small Business Administration the Administrator, Deputy Administrator, Chief Counsel for Advocacy, and Inspector General. Entrepreneurs and small businesses require limited-government policies that do not impede their risk-taking and growth. A future Administration can leverage and strengthen core SBA functions that have been fairly effective at reining in and calling attention to costly regulations and policies that are harmful to small businesses. This core advocacy function is aided both by statutory authority and by a network of small-business organizations and allies that support limited-gov- ernment policies.28 Moreover, an effective SBA Administrator and leadership team can work and advocate across the federal government to ensure that extreme regulatory poli- cies—or anticompetitive rules and actions that may favor big businesses over small businesses or international competitors over American small businesses—are dismantled or do not progress when proposed. MISSION CREEP AND ENLARGEMENT As noted, Republicans in the U.S. House of Representatives have evidenced con- cern about SBA mission creep and the need to make a sprawling, unaccountable agency more focused and operationally sound. Moreover, there is unease that the agency has moved from being open to any eligible small business searching for sup- port to being hyperfocused on “disproportionately impacted,” politically favored, or geographically situated small businesses and entrepreneurs. Today, initiatives aimed at “inclusivity” are in fact creating exclusivity and stringent selectivity in deciding what types of small businesses and entities can use SBA programs. For example, even though the SBA under President Donald Trump proposed a rule to remove all of the unconstitutional religious exclusions from its regulations29 to conform with Supreme Court decisions that have made their unconstitutionality clear, the SBA has not acted on the proposed rule and still uses religious exclusions in determining eligibility for business loans. Several other specific concerns include but are not limited to: l The SBA’s request to become a “designated voter agency” in response to President Biden’s executive order on “Promoting Access to Voting.”30 l The creation of duplicative channels and “pilot programs” for the delivery of business training rather than working through existing counseling partners. The programs are largely duplicative of private, state and local government, and educational system offerings.31 l A push to expand direct government lending.32
AI Analysis:
"HR 9010 appropriates funds for the Legislative Branch, whereas the Project 2025 policy focuses on reducing the Department of Labor's budget, reshaping its personnel, and refocusing compliance initiatives; there is no substantive policy overlap between the two."
— 615 — Department of Labor and Related Agencies ORGANIZATIONAL AGENDA Budget l Reduce the agencies’ budgets to the low end of the historical average. The Trump Administration’s FY 2020 request, $10.9 billion, would provide a workable target for spending reductions for DOL, for example. l Spending reductions should occur primarily in the Employment and Training Administration (ETA). l Focus health and safety inspections on egregious offenders, as other inspections are often abused and usurp state and local government prerogatives. Personnel l Maximize hiring of political appointees. At its best, the Trump Administration Department of Labor worked with up to 150 political appointees. That is still a tiny percentage of the department. The number of political appointees should be maximized in order to improve the political accountability of the department. l Appoint new EEOC and NLRB general counsels on Day One. The Biden Administration broke significant precedent by firing the EEOC and NLRB general counsels despite their term appointments. The next Administration should do the same and expand on the Biden Administration’s new precedent by refusing to acknowledge terms in other offices, where applicable, and installing acting or full new officers immediately. l Implement a hiring freeze for career officials. A hiring freeze imposes financial discipline on agencies’ personnel costs and reduces agency bloat. Office of Compliance Initiatives l DOL should fully staff the Office of Compliance Initiatives (OCI), which was reopened by the Trump Administration after the Obama Administration closed its predecessor down. OCI educates employers and workers on their rights, responsibilities, and available recourse under the many statutes, rules, and regulations administered by DOL. Most businesses want to follow the law and OCI exists to make knowing the rules easier, which leads to increased compliance.
AI Analysis:
"The bill focuses on Legislative Branch appropriations and contains no provisions related to the Department of Labor's budget, personnel, or policy goals outlined in Project 2025."
— 615 — Department of Labor and Related Agencies ORGANIZATIONAL AGENDA Budget l Reduce the agencies’ budgets to the low end of the historical average. The Trump Administration’s FY 2020 request, $10.9 billion, would provide a workable target for spending reductions for DOL, for example. l Spending reductions should occur primarily in the Employment and Training Administration (ETA). l Focus health and safety inspections on egregious offenders, as other inspections are often abused and usurp state and local government prerogatives. Personnel l Maximize hiring of political appointees. At its best, the Trump Administration Department of Labor worked with up to 150 political appointees. That is still a tiny percentage of the department. The number of political appointees should be maximized in order to improve the political accountability of the department. l Appoint new EEOC and NLRB general counsels on Day One. The Biden Administration broke significant precedent by firing the EEOC and NLRB general counsels despite their term appointments. The next Administration should do the same and expand on the Biden Administration’s new precedent by refusing to acknowledge terms in other offices, where applicable, and installing acting or full new officers immediately. l Implement a hiring freeze for career officials. A hiring freeze imposes financial discipline on agencies’ personnel costs and reduces agency bloat. Office of Compliance Initiatives l DOL should fully staff the Office of Compliance Initiatives (OCI), which was reopened by the Trump Administration after the Obama Administration closed its predecessor down. OCI educates employers and workers on their rights, responsibilities, and available recourse under the many statutes, rules, and regulations administered by DOL. Most businesses want to follow the law and OCI exists to make knowing the rules easier, which leads to increased compliance. — 616 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Improve Visa-Related Labor-Market Monitoring DOL’s Office of Foreign Labor Certification plays an important role in the approval of H-visa applications, but it is currently housed in the Employment and Training Administration, which is DOL’s primary grant-making division. l OFLC should be moved out of ETA and made directly accountable to the Secretary with a politically accountable Director. CONCLUSION The good of the American family is at the heart of conservative labor policy recommendations. The longstanding tradition of a strong work ethic in American culture must be encouraged and strengthened by policies that promote family-sus- taining jobs. By eliminating the policies promoted by the DEI agenda, promoting pro-life policies that support family life, expanding available apprenticeship programs including by encouraging the role of religious organizations in appren- ticeships, making family-sustaining jobs accessible, simplifying employment requirements, and allowing employers to prefer American citizens when making hiring decisions, among the other policy recommendations discussed above, we can begin to secure a future in which the American worker, and by extension the American family, can thrive and prosper. AUTHOR’S NOTE: Many contributors, listed at the front of this volume, deserve credit for this work, but Oren Cass, Rachel Greszler, Rachel Morrison, Caleb Orr, and Jonathan Wolfson deserve special mention. The author alone assumes responsibility for the content of this chapter, and no views expressed herein should be attributed to any other individual.
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.
A joint resolution providing for congressional disapproval of the proposed foreign military sale to the Government of Israel of certain defense articles and services.
Establishing the congressional budget for the United States Government for fiscal year 2025 and setting forth the appropriate budgetary levels for fiscal years 2026 through 2034.
HELP Response and Recovery Act